Choosing one’s religion is both a social and a legal right guaranteed by the Indian Constitution. Yet organisations that pursue politics in the name of religion often refuse to accept this fundamental principle. Dr. Mohan Bhagwat, the Sarsanghachalak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has repeatedly asserted that all people living in this country are Hindus. At the same time, he has expressed concern that the Hindu population is declining due to conversions to Islam and Christianity, even suggesting that Hindu couples should have three children to address this “worrying” trend.
There is a clear contradiction here. If everyone in India is already Hindu, why the call for Ghar Wapsi—a return to Hinduism? Some proponents argue that DNA studies show that all communities in India share similar ancestry. However, population genetics does not determine religion. Human migrations over centuries have resulted in genetic overlaps across communities worldwide. Similar DNA patterns cannot be used as a justification for asking individuals to abandon a religion they have inherited or chosen.
The claim that Islam spread in India solely through the sword does not stand up to scrutiny. The earliest Muslim communities developed along the Malabar Coast in Kerala through trade links with Arab merchants, long before Muslim political rule was established there. The Cheraman Juma Mosque, traditionally dated to the 7th century, stands as a testimony to this early presence. While some conversions may have occurred under coercion or inducement, many historians point out that large-scale conversions to Islam were influenced by social factors, including the rigidities of the caste system and the egalitarian appeal of Sufi teachings.
As Swami Vivekananda observed, Islam in India functioned in part as a liberating force for the oppressed castes. It is also historically inaccurate to suggest that conversions were primarily driven by royal decree. Although there were instances where defeated rulers accepted Islam, such cases were limited in number. Conversion entailed far more than a change in ritual; Muslims developed their own institutions of worship, pilgrimage, scripture, and identity. Notably, even Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, regarded as a progenitor of Hindu nationalism, described Muslims as a separate nation—contradicting present claims that they are simply Hindus who changed their mode of worship.
Christianity, too, has deep roots in India. Tradition holds that Thomas the Apostle arrived on the Malabar Coast in AD 52 and established early Christian communities. According to the 2011 Census, Christians constitute 2.3 per cent of India’s population. Given nearly two millennia of presence, this modest proportion hardly supports allegations of widespread forced or induced conversions. While some smaller denominations may actively proselytise, most mainstream Christian groups maintain that conversion must be voluntary.
In the early 20th century, as communal politics gained ground, the Arya Samaj initiated the Shuddhi movement to “reconvert” Muslims to Hinduism. Around the same time, the Tablighi Jamaat began its Tanzim and Tabligh efforts to strengthen Islamic religious practice among Muslims. While Shuddhi viewed converts to Islam as having become “impure” and in need of purification rituals, Tanzim focused on religious reform within the Muslim community.
The contemporary Ghar Wapasi campaign, launched several decades ago, has largely targeted Dalit and Adivasi communities, as well as the urban poor. Rituals such as bathing in hot springs and performing havans are conducted, after which participants are declared Hindu. A widely reported instance occurred in Vednagar, Agra, in 2014, when around 350 impoverished Muslims were allegedly lured with promises of welfare benefits and subsequently declared converted after participating in rituals. The programme was linked to affiliates of the RSS, including the Bajrang Dal.
In several states, “Freedom of Religion” laws have been enacted, ostensibly to regulate religious conversions. In practice, these laws often require prior permission from district authorities and have been used to detain or harass pastors and priests. There have also been violent incidents, including the horrific killing of Graham Staines and his two young sons in Odisha in 1999, an act that shocked the nation.
The renewed emphasis on Ghar Wapsi reflects a revival of divisive communal politics. Critics argue that such campaigns, along with narratives like “love jihad,” foster suspicion and hostility between communities. The case of Hadiya (Akhila Ashokan), who converted to Islam and whose marriage became a national controversy, underscored the principle that adult individuals have the right to choose their faith and partner.
Calls for mass reconversion and the cultural narratives that accompany them risk undermining the constitutional values of liberty, equality, and fraternity. India’s strength has historically lain in its pluralism and syncretic traditions. Any attempt to erode the freedom of conscience threatens not only minority rights but the very foundations of the republic.
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*President, Executive Council of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, Mumbai
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