Communal nationalism and the procession of godmen: Sri Sri Ravi Shankar at the RSS chief’s 75th birthday
Mohan Bhagwat has been in the news for the past few months. He first remarked—somewhat indirectly—that leaders should step away from public life at the age of 75. It was widely assumed that this was directed at Narendra Modi, who will turn 75 on 17 September 2025. Later, in three lectures at Vigyan Bhavan, he clarified that this was not his intention. His own 75th birthday was celebrated on 12 September 2025. A notable feature of this celebration was the presence of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, regarded as a spiritual guru and one of the prominent stars in the rapidly expanding fraternity of godmen.
Sri Sri has consistently claimed that he has no interest in politics and that his focus is on spiritual matters. He presides over a vast empire under the name “Art of Living” and, like most godmen, has amassed enormous wealth. This is a contradiction, for most godmen preach that wealth and the material world are mere illusions and should not be pursued—yet they themselves accumulate vast tracts of land and opulent possessions. Sri Sri introduced “Sudarshan Kriya” as the cornerstone of his teachings, attracting millions of followers. His founding of the “Art of Living” movement also gained wide popularity.
In 2017, he organized a cultural festival that caused severe environmental damage to the Yamuna River. The National Green Tribunal imposed a fine of crores of rupees, which he flatly refused to pay. When Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption movement, supported by the RSS, was launched, Sri Sri and Baba Ramdev both played active roles.
Baba Ramdev is another godman closely aligned with the BJP and RSS. He began his career as a yoga teacher and later became a hugely successful entrepreneur by launching the “Patanjali” brand, selling a wide variety of products. Leveraging his proximity to those in power, he expanded his business empire to extraordinary heights. Millions flocked to his yoga camps. During the COVID-19 pandemic, he introduced a medicine called “Coronil,” violating rules for introducing new drugs. It was launched in the presence of two cabinet ministers. He criticized modern science and allopathy so harshly that the Indian Medical Association sued him, forcing him to issue an apology. Later, when marketing a product resembling Rooh Afza, he made comments against Muslims, again landing in controversy and having to apologize. Despite spreading anti-Muslim rhetoric, his closeness to those in power allowed him to accumulate immense wealth without consequence.
Many other figures are also making their mark on the stage of godmen. The latest is Dhirendra Krishna Shastri of Bageshwar Dham, who is only 29 years old. He claims to reveal people’s pasts. This claim was exposed as false when anti-superstition activist Shyam Manav challenged him in Nagpur. Upon being challenged, he abruptly ended his program and fled back to Bageshwar. Modi refers to him as his “younger brother.” Shastri now plans to build a “Hindu village” where only Hindus will reside.
It is true that these godmen do not have direct organizational links with the RSS. However, regarding the RSS’s ideological agenda, they align themselves with its vision of a Hindu nation, caste-based hierarchy, and gender inequality.
These godmen are not from the traditional class of priests or temple pundits. They have invented novel ways of attracting followers, mixing elements of traditional knowledge with their own imagination to create teachings that define their identity. Their confidence in their craft is remarkable, and many of them are indeed powerful orators.
But there is also a dark side to their activities. In the ashram of Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati, a man named Shankar Raman was murdered, and the Shankaracharya was accused of orchestrating the killing. A murder also occurred in Sathya Sai Baba’s Prashanti Nilayam. When Jayendra Saraswati was charged, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Asaram Bapu protested against it. Gurmeet Ram Rahim continued this chain of misdeeds, and when journalist Ram Chander Chhatrapati exposed his crimes, he was murdered. Though Gurmeet was eventually convicted and imprisoned, he has spent most of his sentence out on parole.
In Asaram Bapu’s ashram, two boys were killed. Narendra Modi has visited his ashram, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee once danced with him in Lucknow. In the 2014 Haryana elections, Gurmeet Ram Rahim urged his followers to vote for the BJP. After the BJP’s victory, several members of Manohar Lal Khattar’s cabinet sought his blessings. Interestingly, the jail superintendent who repeatedly granted him parole joined the BJP immediately after retirement.
These are just a few examples from the vast world of godmen. A similar situation exists in Pakistan, where “maulana-type” figures attract massive crowds at their events. We also know of Benny Hinn, whose faith-healing camps draw thousands.
While a large number of RSS volunteers work toward the goal of promoting and establishing Hinduism, most of these godmen, through their teachings and activities, advance Hindu nationalism at an ideological and cultural level—without formally being part of the Sangh Parivar. They wield deep influence on society, and in an environment of growing insecurity, many people turn to them for solace. They enjoy significant patronage from both the government and society. Numerous books have been published extolling their virtues, but serious and in-depth studies of them remain rare. A more rigorous examination of these godmen and this trend is urgently needed.
We are living in times when such figures dominate public life, while rational voices like Dr. Dabholkar, Govind Pansare, M.M. Kalburgi, and Gauri Lankesh are being silenced through murder. In most cases, the perpetrators escape punishment.
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The author taught at IIT Mumbai and is President of the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
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