Skip to main content

It's not an outright ban; why are other highly hazardous pesticides left out?: PAN India

Counterview Desk 

Even as welcoming the recent Government of India (GoI) ban on four highly hazardous pesticides, the advocacy group Pesticide Action Network (PAN) India has regretted that the latest order has not banned outright, but qualified the ban with conditions. Government of India gives a window period of one year for farmers to move towards alternatives, PAN India said in a statement.
Pointing out that the ban notification only says that “sale, distribution or use of Monocrotophos 36% SL shall be allowed only for clearance of existing stock till its expiry period”, the advocacy group underlined, “There is ambiguity in this language which can be used to build stocks in this window period of 1 year, enabling the continued use of Monocrotophos beyond the 1 year period and until the stocks are cleared.”
Insisting that a specific line banning manufacture of Monocrotophos (all its formulations) is required, it said, field information on pesticide poisoning and exposures reinforce the demand for outright ban of other identified pesticides as well. The Agriculture Ministry has to explain why 16 pesticides, declared as highly hazardous, have still been left out.

Text:

India has banned four insecticides -- Dicofol, Dinocap, Methomyl and Monocrotophos – through a Gazette Notification dated 29th September, 2023, but published on 6th October, 2023[1]. Pesticide Action Network (PAN) India welcomes the ban on these four pesticides, especially the addition of monocrotophos, as we represented for its inclusion in the ban list, subsequent to the draft order published in February, 2023.
Dr. Narasimha Reddy, public policy expert says that “this ban almost coincides with the recently concluded negotiations at the Fifth International Convention on Chemicals Management (ICCM5) in Bonn, and the emergence of Global Framework of Chemicals, and the target to eliminate Highly Hazardous Pesticides (HHPs) by 2035, among others”.
Monocrotophos has been named in several pesticide poisoning cases across India, including in the infamous Yavatmal pesticide poisoning episode, in 2017. Maharashtra Association of Pesticide Poisoned Persons (MAPPP) has been advocating for a ban on this and other pesticides involved in deaths and injuries to farmers and farm labour. In fact, Maharashtra government has written a letter to the Union Government of India to ban this and 4 other pesticides. There was no response from the government of India to that letter.
Even the latest order has not banned outright, but qualified the ban with conditions. Government of India gives a window period of one year, for farmers to move towards alternatives. It also says, “sale, distribution or use of Monocrotophos 36% SL shall be allowed only for clearance of existing stock till its expiry period.” There is ambiguity in this language which can be used to build stocks in this window period of 1 year, enabling the continued use of Monocrotophos beyond the 1 year period and until the stocks are cleared. A specific line banning manufacture of Monocrotophos (all its formulations) is required.
Additional Comments and observations from the ban notification:
1. Reference to Carbofuran in this notification is interesting, puzzling and is a cause of consternation. In fact, no change or restriction is brought in the case of Carbofuran even though it is mentioned on the top of the list. It clearly states that “All other formulations of Carbofuran, except Carbofuran three percent Encapsulated granule (CG) along with the crop labels, may be stopped from use.” This means Carbofuran three percent Encapsulated granule (CG) is not banned. Interestingly, Carbofuran 3% CG formulation is the only formulation registered in India. No other formulation is registered in India. We need Central Insecticides Board and Registration Committee (CIB&RC) to clarify on this.
2. The Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare should have re-issued the previous notification or approved the draft notification dated 18th May 2020, without modifications. Instead, it has reformulated and reduced the number of pesticides to be banned to three, qualified ban on one and allowed restricted usage of other seven pesticides. Earlier in July, The honorable Supreme Court made observations while hearing a PIL related to pesticide bans in India, that the Center has been constituting committees after committees to review the the proposal of banning 27 pesticides in 2020, so as to get a favorable response.
3. Banning three HHPs is right and welcome. But this is not enough. Expert Committee Report and the field information on pesticide poisoning and exposures reinforce the demand for outright ban of other identified pesticides as well.
4. The remaining 16 pesticides, out of the 27 pesticides in the previous draft notification, do not find any mention. The Agriculture Ministry has to explain why these 16 pesticides have been left out.
Process of watering down regulatory outcomes to satisfy profit motive of agrochemical industry continues
5. Malathion was restricted long back to be used only for public health purposes and banned from usage on food crops. However, this draft notification allows its usage on two vegetable crops, namely Paddy and Cabbage. The Agriculture Ministry has in fact extended its usage, from the previous restriction. Since it has been recommended for ban given its hazard potential, especially on food crops, Centre cannot justify continued usage of this highly hazardous pesticide. Malathion has been found in food residues across the country.
6. Surprisingly, seven pesticides were not proposed for an outright ban. These are currently being notified for restricted use on certain crops. This means they are banned for usage on specific crops, which were listed in the original registration. These seven HHPs are notified for amendment in the label claim. Pesticide companies that are manufacturing and marketing these pesticides have to change the labels, wherein the crops on which they can be used are mentioned.
“There is no rational for label change, and not outright ban as represented by us and recommended by the Expert Committee. Label change is merely a technical matter which does not have any implications in the field use, given that many pesticides in the country have been recommended beyond the approved use of pesticides in the country by Agriculture Universities and Commodity Boards, and actual field use is happening on many more crops as well as non approved pesticides have been detected among agriculture commodities in residues analysis”, says A. D. Dileep Kumar, CEO of Pesticide Action Network India.
While, PAN India appreciate the efforts of Government of India on banning some pesticides, it feels that the recent developments of appointing committees after committees, following the 2020 Draft ban notification  to review regulatory decisions is a process of watering down the regulatory outcomes to satisfy the profit motive of the agrochemical industry, undermining public health and environmental well being.
PAN India urges Government of India to urgently ban the remaining pesticides listed in the 2020 draft order that proposed banning of 27 pesticides since the Expert Committee and the Registration Committee found that their use is likely to involve risk to human being and animals.
---
[1] S.O. 4294(E) Notification, Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare (Department of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare), New Delhi, 29th September, 2023, published on 6th October, 2023, in exercise of the powers conferred by section 27 read with section 28 of the Insecticides Act, 1968 (46 of 1968). Click here for PAN India's information note on the ban

Comments

TRENDING

Dalit woman student’s death sparks allegations of institutional neglect in Himachal college

By A Representative   A Dalit rights organisation has alleged severe caste- and gender-based institutional violence leading to the death of a 19-year-old Dalit woman student at Government Degree College, Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, and has demanded arrests, resignations, and an independent inquiry into the case.

Domestic vote-bank politics 'behind official solidarity' with Bangladeshi Hindus

By Sandeep Pandey, Faisal Khan  The Indian government has registered a protest with Bangladesh over the mob lynching of two Hindus—Deepu Chandra Das in Mymensingh and Amrit Mandal in Rajbari. In its communication, the government cited a report by the Association of Hindus, Buddhists and Christian Unity Council, which claims that more than 2,900 incidents of killings, arson, and land encroachments targeting minorities have taken place since the interim government assumed power in Bangladesh. 

From colonial mercantilism to Hindutva: New book on the making of power in Gujarat

By Rajiv Shah  Professor Ghanshyam Shah ’s latest book, “ Caste-Class Hegemony and State Power: A Study of Gujarat Politics ”, published by Routledge , is penned by one of Gujarat ’s most respected chroniclers, drawing on decades of fieldwork in the state. It seeks to dissect how caste and class factors overlap to perpetuate the hegemony of upper strata in an ostensibly democratic polity. The book probes the dominance of two main political parties in Gujarat—the Indian National Congress and the BJP—arguing that both have sustained capitalist growth while reinforcing Brahmanic hierarchies.

NYT: RSS 'infiltrates' institutions, 'drives' religious divide under Modi's leadership

By Jag Jivan   A comprehensive New York Times investigation published on December 26, 2025, chronicles the rise of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) — characterized as a far-right Hindu nationalist organization — from a shadowy group founded in 1925 to the world's largest right-wing force, marking its centenary in 2025 with unprecedented influence and mainstream acceptance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi , who joined the RSS as a young boy and later became a full-time campaigner before being deputized to its political wing in the 1980s, delivered his strongest public tribute to the group in his August 2025 Independence Day address. Speaking from the Red Fort , he called the RSS a "giant river" with dozens of streams touching every aspect of Indian life, praising its "service, dedication, organization, and unmatched discipline." The report describes how the RSS has deeply infiltrated India's institutions — government, courts, police, media, and academia — ...

From protest to proof: Why civil society must rethink environmental resistance

By Shankar Sharma*  As concerned environmentalists and informed citizens, many of us share deep unease about the way environmental governance in our country is being managed—or mismanaged. Our complaints range across sectors and regions, and most of them are legitimate. Yet a hard question confronts us: are complaints, by themselves, effective? Experience suggests they are not.

2025 was not just a bad year—it was a moral failure, it normalised crisis

By Atanu Roy*  The clock has struck midnight. 2025 has passed, and 2026 has arrived. Firecrackers were already bursting in celebration. If this is merely a ritual, like Deepavali, there is little to comment on. Otherwise, I find 2025 to have been a dismal year, weighed down by relentless odds—perhaps the worst year I have personally witnessed.

Celebrating 125 yr old legacy of healthcare work of missionaries

Vilas Shende, director, Mure Memorial Hospital By Moin Qazi* Central India has been one of the most fertile belts for several unique experiments undertaken by missionaries in the field of education and healthcare. The result is a network of several well-known schools, colleges and hospitals that have woven themselves into the social landscape of the region. They have also become a byword for quality and affordable services delivered to all sections of the society. These institutions are characterised by committed and compassionate staff driven by the selfless pursuit of improving the well-being of society. This is the reason why the region has nursed and nurtured so many eminent people who occupy high positions in varied fields across the country as well as beyond. One of the fruits of this legacy is a more than century old iconic hospital that nestles in the heart of Nagpur city. Named as Mure Memorial Hospital after a British warrior who lost his life in a war while defending his cou...

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

Epic war against caste system is constitutional responsibility of elected government

Edited by well-known Gujarat Dalit rights leader Martin Macwan, the book, “Bhed-Bharat: An Account of Injustice and Atrocities on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-18)” (available in English and Gujarati*) is a selection of news articles on Dalits and Adivasis (2014-2018) published by Dalit Shakti Prakashan, Ahmedabad. Preface to the book, in which Macwan seeks to answer key questions on why the book is needed today: *** The thought of compiling a book on atrocities on Dalits and thus present an overall Indian picture had occurred to me a long time ago. Absence of such a comprehensive picture is a major reason for a weak social and political consciousness among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. But gradually the idea took a different form. I found that lay readers don’t understand numbers and don’t like to read well-researched articles. The best way to reach out to them was storytelling. As I started writing in Gujarati and sharing the idea of the book with my friends, it occurred to me that while...