Skip to main content

How Thatcherism, Reaganism 'impacted' evolution of India's education policies

Counterview Desk

Giving an online talk at a webinar organized by the Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI), New Delhi, Sachidanand Sinha, professor, Centre for the Study of Regional Development, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), talked about the evolution of India’s education policies over the last three centuries, pointing towards how the latest National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has been evolved.
Prof Sinha talked about NEP 2020’s similarities and dissimilarities with colonial era education policies, the national concerns with respect to education during the colonial rule, and administrative measures introduced by successive rulers to fulfill their goals on education.

Excerpts:

The Union Cabinet approved a new National Education Policy (NEP) on July 29, 2020. NEP is meant to provide a robust vision and a comprehensive framework for primary, secondary and higher education in India. While India is now a free and independent country after 200 years of colonial rule, our objectives and ideologies on education are very similar to those of our colonial rulers.
The evolution of India’s education policies can be traced from Charter of India Act, 1813, to Wood’s Dispatch in 1854, the first Indian Education Commission in 1882, and subsequently the reforms that were introduced through such policies.
While there seems to be some consensus that India did not have a structured system of formal education in the 19th century, evidence suggests otherwise. Dharmapal, in his book ‘The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian Education in the Eighteenth Century (1983)’, makes a mention of an indigenous education system; William Adam authored Adam’s Report in the first quarter of the 19the century, and noted the presence of vernacular education in Bengal and parts of northern Bihar; and Collectors of Bellary, Bombay and Calcutta wrote reports on India’s native schooling system.
While Ashrams, Pathshaalas, Madrassas existed, they were exclusive and inaccessible, as education was seen as the prerogative of a certain class of people. Ashrams and Pathshaalas were open only for men from various Brahminical castes, and Madrassas for Muslim men.
It was believed that since a large portion of our population belongs to an agrarian background, formal education is not needed, and any necessary skills could be acquired through apprenticeship. India’s non-agrarian activities were systematically destroyed by the colonial administration and our agrarian structures were brought under severe transformation that brought about massive instability. As a result, local rulers who held some influence over education ran out of resources as well.
Colonial rulers wished to popularise education, not as a favour to their subjects, but they wanted to invest in education, as such an investment would offset the expenditure they were likely to incur for importing manpower and expertise from England.
The 1854 Wood’s Dispatch was a fairly well-balanced document which stood for expansion of the formal public education system in vernacular languages. It was inclusive, non-discriminatory and accessible to all. However, not everyone could access education because of various social obligations and restrictions.
Soon, national leaders acknowledged the significance of education for the Nationalist movement and wanted to encourage the spread of education in India. The colonial administration, seeing this, wanted no direct involvement of the state in education, and assigned this responsibility to local bodies which would also mobilise resources to expand education in different parts of India. The colonial administration was not willing to spare the massive resources required for expansion of education.
The Brahmins, the traditional educated class in rural India got jobs in the colonial administration, and became urbanised. As a result, the rural society suffered from a power vacuum. This created a competition among communities in India. In Kerala, local communities, through philanthropic grants, started local schools. At the same time Christian missionaries and Arya Samaj movements were other not-for-profit movements that aimed at expanding education.
While there is much to criticise about the colonial administration’s policies on education, for the first time, the state accepted responsibility for public education. The princely states never introduced a formal system of education or formally invested in education. Education, by the efforts of the colonial administration, was for the first time in India’s history made open to all.
At the time of independence in 1947, India had 23 universities, nearly 500 colleges, 2.1 lakh primary schools, nearly 17,000 upper-primary schools and approximately 9,000 secondary schools. The structural ratio in relation to the nature of promotion of children from primary to secondary school is crucial to ensure upward mobility of students. If infrastructure is not available for the fulfillment of educational objectives at each level, the education policy in itself is not of much use.
Education became a responsibility of the local bodies, with no direct involvement of the state. Philanthropy was promoted along with grants-in-aid to expand education. Universal education became a crucial agenda. However, the Indian state did not have resources to fulfil this goal under diarchy. Three decades of diarchy was wasted because we lacked resources.
However, the acknowledgment of education as an instrument of change, and education being made open to all sections of society was a remarkable feat achieved by the Indian government. The medium of instruction remained vernacular language at the primary level, but English at the secondary level. As Rudolf Steiner had said, “The education system in India was an institutional transplant from England.” 
Segregation that exists in our education system is a result of Indian society’s class and caste orientation. This has led to an unequal society. 
There was a need felt to restructure India’s federal government system, settle conflicts in rural areas and reduces the inequalities and disparities that led to lack of resources, and encourage investment in agricultural modernisation, dams, etc. Till the early 1960s, initiatives taken to invest in education by the Indian government were inadequate. The moment the British exited India, a large number of our educational institutions were devoid of trained teachers, especially colleges, medical institutions, and engineering institutions. 
But, some of the epochal shifts in India’s education system were the establishment of Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in 1942, the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) in 1958, National Physical Laboratories in 1947, Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) in 1950s, and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) in 1960s.
The National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) was set up in 1961 with the aim to train teachers in India. At the state level, centers for education training were created, and at the regional level there were institutions on the lines of NCERT. Until 1975, the involvement of the Central government in education was limited. But, the vision of the Indian government had always been to modernise and encourage scientific research. However, there was no distinction made between teaching and research colleges, even during the colonial era.
In 1968, the first policy on education by the independent Indian government was titled ‘Education and National Development’, was along the lines of the National Education Commission set up in 1964, popularly known as Kothari Commission, that had examined all aspects of the educational sector in India, and had advised guidelines and policies for the development of education in India.
The Kothari Commission's report is a thorough document encapsulating every aspect of national life. The National Policy on Education in 1968 called for a radical reconstruction of education, for the economic and cultural development of the country.
It talked of free and compulsory education, granting academic freedom, improving teaching quality, language development to be given foremost importance, equalisation of educational opportunities between rural and urban areas, common school systems, with emphasis on girls’ education, science and research education, education for agricultural and industrial development, and need for textbooks in regional languages.
A common school system has still not been established in India with the numerous, public and private schools in the country, and different schools for tribal societies etc. This segregation that exists in our education system is a result of Indian society’s class and caste orientation. This has led to an unequal society.
In 1986, the government led by Rajiv Gandhi introduced a new National Policy on Education. The turning points of the 1986 policy were (1) it expanded the scope and spread of Kendriya Vidyalayas, (2) created a new cadre of schools, particularly in the rural areas in eastern districts, and (3) Navodaya Vidyalayas in rural districts started and established by the Central government.
From 1986-1991, and post-1991, with the global presence of ideologies such as Thatcherism and Reaganism, there was a shift in the education and health sectors, from sole public ownership to private ownership as well. India also introduced such shifts.
After the structural reforms in 1991, the Indian government’s investment in education first declined, then picked up after seven years, but then it again declined. Only in the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-20012), did the education sector receive a considerable contribution as a proportion of the GDP.
Legislative measures like Sarva Siksha Abhiyaan (SSA) and Right to Education (RTE) Act by the Indian government in the 21st century have ensured tangible and measurable improvements in the Indian education sector. But what has suffered in this period is the appointment of teachers into the education system.
With the New Education Policy 2020, India’s 50,000 colleges would come down to 1,500, a large number of small educational institutions would be closed down, and educational institutions with inadequate resources would become part of Special Education Zones. The new policy focuses on ‘sustained education’, but early childhood care has been a primary goal of the Indian education policy since the 20th century.
The NEP 2020 has not referred to well researched experiences in education from different parts of the world, but it has only two sources – (1) the colonial era policies from 1813-1854, and (2) World Bank’s reports on learning and working in a global context. It draws upon its new liberal framework from these two documents.
NEP 2020 proposes National Assessment Tests for third, fifth and seventh class students. Such assessments will push out students from the education system, and into ‘vocational streams.’ The NEP will make the educational system more rigid due to mechanisms like the National Skill Training Framework. In the name of inclusion, it brings in more avenues of exclusion.

Comments

TRENDING

The golden crop: How turmeric is transforming women's lives in tribal India

By Vikas Meshram*   When the lush green fields of turmeric sway in the tribal belt of southern Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Gujarat, it is not merely a spice crop — it is the golden glow of self-reliance. In villages where even basic spices once had to be bought from the market, the very soil today is yielding a prosperity that has transformed the lives of thousands of families. At the heart of this transformation is the initiative of Vaagdhara, which has linked turmeric with livelihoods, nutrition, and village self-governance — gram swaraj.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Buddhist shrines were 'massively destroyed' by Brahmanical rulers: Historian DN Jha

Nalanda mahavihara By Rajiv Shah  Prominent historian DN Jha, an expert in India's ancient and medieval past, in his new book , "Against the Grain: Notes on Identity, Intolerance and History", in a sharp critique of "Hindutva ideologues", who look at the ancient period of Indian history as "a golden age marked by social harmony, devoid of any religious violence", has said, "Demolition and desecration of rival religious establishments, and the appropriation of their idols, was not uncommon in India before the advent of Islam".

Authoritarian destruction of the public sphere in Ecuador: Trumpism in action?

By Pilar Troya Fernández  The situation in Ecuador under Daniel Noboa's government is one of authoritarianism advancing on several fronts simultaneously to consolidate neoliberalism and total submission to the US international agenda. These are not isolated measures, but rather a coordinated strategy that combines job insecurity, the dismantling of the welfare state, unrestricted access to mining, the continuation of oil exploitation without environmental considerations, the centralization of power through the financial suffocation of local governments, and the systematic criminalization of all forms of opposition and popular organization.

Echoes of Vietnam and Chile: The devastating cost of the I-A Axis in Iran

​ By Ram Puniyani  ​The recent joint military actions by Israel and the United States against Iran have been devastating. Like all wars, this conflict is brutal to its core, leaving a trail of human suffering in its wake. The stated pretext for this aggression—the brutality of the Ayatollah Khamenei regime and its nuclear ambitions—clashes sharply with the reality of the diplomatic landscape. Iran had expressed a willingness to remain at the negotiating table, signaling a readiness to concede points emerging from dialogue. 

False claim? What Venezuela is witnessing is not surrender but a tactical retreat

By Manolo De Los Santos  The early morning hours of January 3, 2026, marked an inflection point in Venezuela and Latin America’s centuries-long struggle for self-determination and independence. Operation Absolute Resolve, ordered by the Trump administration, constituted the most brutal and direct military assault on a sovereign state in the region in recent memory. In a shocking operation that left hundreds dead, President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores were illegally kidnapped from Venezuelan soil and transported to the United States, where they now face fabricated charges in a New York federal detention facility. In the two months since this act of war, a torrent of speculation has emerged from so-called experts and pundits across the political spectrum. This has followed three main lines: One . The operation’s success indicated treason at the highest levels of the Bolivarian Revolution. Two . Acting President Delcy Rodríguez and the remaining leadership have abandone...

The selective memory of a violent city: Uttam Nagar and the invisible victims of Delhi

By Sunil Kumar*  Hundreds of murders take place in Delhi every year, yet only a few incidents become topics of nationwide discussion. The question is: why does this happen? Today, the incident in Uttam Nagar has become the centre of national debate. A 26-year-old man, Tarun Kumar, was killed following a dispute that reportedly began after a balloon hit a small child. In several colonies of Delhi, slogans such as “Jai Shri Ram” and “Vande Mataram” are being raised while demanding the death penalty for Tarun’s killers. As a result, nearly 50,000 residents of Hastsal JJ Colony are now living in what resembles a state of confinement. 

The price of silence: Why Modi won’t follow Shastri, appeal for sacrifice

By Arundhati Dhuru, Sandeep Pandey*  ​In 1965, as India grappled with war and a crippling food crisis, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri faced a United States that used wheat shipments under the PL-480 agreement as a lever to dictate Indian foreign policy. Shastri’s response remains legendary: he appealed to the nation to skip one meal a day. Millions of middle-class households complied, choosing temporary hunger over the sacrifice of national dignity. Today, India faces a modern equivalent in the energy sector, yet the leadership’s response stands in stark contrast to that era of self-reliance.

Love letters in a lifelong war: Babusha Kohli’s resistance in verse

By Ravi Ranjan*  “War does not determine who is right—only who is left.” Bertrand Russell’s words echo hauntingly in our times, and few contemporary Hindi poets embody this truth as profoundly as Babusha Kohli. Emerging from Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, Kohli has carved a unique space in literature by weaving together tenderness, protest, and philosophy across poetry, prose, and cinema. Her work is not merely artistic expression—it is resistance, refuge, and a call for peace.