Skip to main content

RTI: Legal framework for privacy, data protection shouldn't be undermined


Joint statement by RTI and privacy activists on the amendments to Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act proposed by the Committee of Experts under the Chairpersonship of Justice BN Srikrishna:
***
The Right to Information (RTI) and the Right to Privacy (RTP) are fundamental rights flowing from the Indian Constitution. The State has an obligation to protect and promote both rights.
To strengthen democracy and constitutional freedoms, it is critical that the two rights be carefully balanced. The Justice Srikrishna Committee, tasked with drafting the Data Protection Bill, was therefore expected to develop a framework harmonizing the need to protect certain kinds of personal data with the provisions of the Right to Information Act, 2005, which lays out the statutory framework for Indian citizens to access information, including personal information.
However, the Draft Data Protection Bill, 2018 (DPB) prepared by the committee, fails to safeguard and balance the two. If accepted, the amendments proposed to the RTI Act, 2005 through the DPB will severely restrict the scope of the RTI Act and adversely impact the ability of people to access information.
Section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act, 2005 states:
“8. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, there shall be no obligation to give any citizen,-
xxx
(j) information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or the appellate authority, as the case may be, is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information:”
However, the exemption is not absolute and information has be disclosed if it is such that cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature (proviso to 8(1)), if public interest in disclosure outweighs the harm to the protected interests (section 8(2)) or if the information relates to any event or matter which has taken place twenty years ago (section 8(3)).
The Justice Srikrishna Committee has proposed that Section 8(1)(j) be amended to read as follows:
“8. (1) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act, there shall be no obligation to give any citizen,-
xxx
(j) information which relates to personal data which is likely to cause harm to a data principal, where such harm outweighs the public interest in accessing such information having due regard to the common good of promoting transparency and accountability in the functioning of the public authority;
Provided, disclosure of information under this clause shall be notwithstanding anything contained in the Personal Data Protection Act, 2018;
Provided further, that the information, which cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature shall not be denied to any person.
Explanation: For the purpose of this section, the terms “personal data” , “data principal” and “harm” shall have the meaning assigned to these terms in the Personal Data Protection Act, 2018.”
Currently, in order to invoke section 8(1)(j) to deny personal information, atleast one of the following grounds has to be proven – information sought has no relationship to any public activity; or information sought has no relationship to any public interest; or information sought would cause unwarranted invasion of privacy and PIO/appellate authority is satisfied that there is no larger public interest that justifies disclosure.
By replacing this with the proposed formulation that personal information would be exempt if it can be shown that disclosure is likely to cause harm and such harm outweighs public interest, the DPB seeks to severely curb the disclosure of information. It is crucial to note that the proposed amendments refer to a mere possibility of harm, rather than a reasonable certainty.
Further, the definition of the term “harm” which is sought to be applied to section 8 of the RTI law, is very broad. This would have a chilling effect on the RTI Act. The term “harm” is defined as
“(i) bodily or mental injury; (ii) loss, distortion or theft of identity; (iii) financial loss or loss of property, (iv) loss of reputation, or humiliation; (v) loss of employment; (vi) any discriminatory treatment (vii) any subjection to blackmail or extortion; (viii) any denial or withdrawal of a service, benefit or good resulting from an evaluative decision about the data principal; (ix) any restriction placed or suffered directly or indirectly on speech, movement or any other action arising out of a fear of being observed or surveilled; or (x) any observation or surveillance that is not reasonably expected by the data principal.”
Finally, the scope of the public interest test within the proposed section 8(1)(j) appears to have been narrowed, by restricting it primarily to the promotion of transparency and accountability in the functioning of a public authority, as opposed to a more expansive understanding of public interest in terms of upholding constitutional values of social justice, welfare and democratic rights of citizens.
The proposal to amend the RTI Act through the Data Protection Bill, 2018 appears to have been hastily drafted based on an incorrect understanding of the RTI law. For instance, the Justice Srikrishna committee seems to have erred in interpreting the proviso to section 8(1), which states that “information which cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature shall not be denied to any person”, as being only applicable to section 8(1)(j) and not to the whole of section 8(1).
A perusal of the original gazette notification of the RTI Act shows that by virtue of its placement and indentation, it is applicable to all of section 8(1) and not merely section 8(1)(j). There are several judicial pronouncements to this effect.
The amendments proposed to the Right to Information Act, 2005 through the Data Protection Bill, 2018 drafted by the Justice Srikrishna Committee will fundamentally weaken the RTI Act for the reasons highlighted above.
It is pertinent to note that since the constitution of the Justice Srikrishna Committee, many of us have highlighted our concerns related to the lack of diversity in the composition  of the committee and also the lack of transparency in the functioning of the committee. Proper composition of the committee and transparency in its functioning were crucial to ensure that a robust regime for data protection was created without undermining peoples’ right to information.
We believe that the legal framework for privacy and data protection should complement the RTI Act and in no way undermine or dilute the existing statutory framework that empowers citizens to hold power structures to account. The provisions of the Draft Data Protection Bill need to be suitably amended and harmonized with the provisions and objectives of the RTI Act.
This would be in line with the recommendation of the Justice A.P. Shah Report on Privacy (2012) that:
“The Privacy Act should clarify that publication of personal data for in public interest, use of personal information for household purposes, and disclosure of information as required by the Right to Information Act should not constitute an infringement of Privacy.”
Neither the recognition of the Right to Privacy, nor the enactment of a data protection law, requires any amendment to the existing RTI law. We, therefore, reject the amendments proposed to the Right to Information Act, 2005 in the Data Protection Bill, 2018 drafted by the Justice Srikrishna Committee.
---
Endorsed by: Anjali Bhardwaj, Venkatesh Nayak, Nikhil Dey, Rakesh Dubbudu, Pankti Jog, Pradip Pradan, Dr. Shaikh, Ashish Ranjan, Nachiket Udupa, Amrita Johri, Rakshita Swamy and Sai Vinod
(on behalf of the National Campaign for Peoples’ Right to Information (NCPRI); Raman Jit Singh Chima, Vrinda Bhandari, Naman M. Aggarwal, Gautam Bhatia, Apar Gupta, Prasanna S., Praavita and Ujwala Uppaluri (On behalf of Save Our Privacy)

Comments

TRENDING

From algorithms to exploitation: New report exposes plight of India's gig workers

By Jag Jivan   The recent report, "State of Finance in India Report 2024-25," released by a coalition including the Centre for Financial Accountability, Focus on the Global South, and other organizations, paints a stark picture of India's burgeoning digital economy, particularly highlighting the exploitation faced by gig workers on platform-based services. 

'Condonation of war crimes against women and children’: IPSN on Trump’s Gaza Board

By A Representative   The India-Palestine Solidarity Network (IPSN) has strongly condemned the announcement of a proposed “Board of Peace” for Gaza and Palestine by former US President Donald J. Trump, calling it an initiative that “condones war crimes against children and women” and “rubs salt in Palestinian wounds.”

Gig workers hold online strike on republic day; nationwide protests planned on February 3

By A Representative   Gig and platform service workers across the country observed a nationwide online strike on Republic Day, responding to a call given by the Gig & Platform Service Workers Union (GIPSWU) to protest what it described as exploitation, insecurity and denial of basic worker rights in the platform economy. The union said women gig workers led the January 26 action by switching off their work apps as a mark of protest.

India’s road to sustainability: Why alternative fuels matter beyond electric vehicles

By Suyash Gupta*  India’s worsening air quality makes the shift towards clean mobility urgent. However, while electric vehicles (EVs) are central to India’s strategy, they alone cannot address the country’s diverse pollution and energy challenges.

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

Whither space for the marginalised in Kerala's privately-driven townships after landslides?

By Ipshita Basu, Sudheesh R.C.  In the early hours of July 30 2024, a landslide in the Wayanad district of Kerala state, India, killed 400 people. The Punjirimattom, Mundakkai, Vellarimala and Chooralmala villages in the Western Ghats mountain range turned into a dystopian rubble of uprooted trees and debris.

Over 40% of gig workers earn below ₹15,000 a month: Economic Survey

By A Representative   The Finance Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, while reviewing the Economic Survey in Parliament on Tuesday, highlighted the rapid growth of gig and platform workers in India. According to the Survey, the number of gig workers has increased from 7.7 million to around 12 million, marking a growth of about 55 percent. Their share in the overall workforce is projected to rise from 2 percent to 6.7 percent, with gig workers expected to contribute approximately ₹2.35 lakh crore to the GDP by 2030. The Survey also noted that over 40 percent of gig workers earn less than ₹15,000 per month.

Fragmented opposition and identity politics shaping Tamil Nadu’s 2026 election battle

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  Tamil Nadu is set to go to the polls in April 2026, and the political battle lines are beginning to take shape. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the state on January 23, 2026, marked the formal launch of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s campaign against the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). Addressing multiple public meetings, the Prime Minister accused the DMK government of corruption, criminality, and dynastic politics, and called for Tamil Nadu to be “freed from DMK’s chains.” PM Modi alleged that the DMK had turned Tamil Nadu into a drug-ridden state and betrayed public trust by governing through what he described as “Corruption, Mafia and Crime,” derisively terming it “CMC rule.” He claimed that despite making numerous promises, the DMK had failed to deliver meaningful development. He also targeted what he described as the party’s dynastic character, arguing that the government functioned primarily for the benefit of a single family a...