Skip to main content

In UP elections solidarity aversive Dalit middle class met its ultimate deadlock

By Chittibabu Padavala*
One of the worst hit in Uttar Pradesh elections is a loud rhetorical section that speaks in the name of all Dalits. And, it seems to be, happily, dumb-founded.
The very small Dalit middle class/ employee strata or even tiny elites, drawn almost exclusively from the relatively advanced and reservations-monopolising, Ambedkar-worshipping single castes in their respective regions (Mala, Pariah, Mahar etc.) from the very big Dalit populace (forming one-quarter of the Indian population) is curious in many ways.
Particularly, the second and third generation among them is even unique in its uniformity of conduct and public pronouncements.
This Dalit middle class's structural position is worth considering. This minuscule section takes away all the 16.5 plus 7.5% reservations in jobs and education in public sector. It has a self-interest in not letting the benefits reach beyond their own caste to include other Dalit castes, or at least, no particular interest in such a thing. Its position not dissimilar to five or so percent of upper castes (UC) grabbing 50% of all seats and jobs in the name of 'general' quota or 'open' competition.
However, unlike the upper castes who, with their all-round advantage produce more candidates in hoping for education and jobs than already disproportionate numbers effectively reserved for them, this Dalit strata eliminated competition not only from others (the very idea of reserving seats) but also minimized the possibility of it coming from their own majority Dalits (escapes almost everyone's attention), this section gets whatever little it does without much competition and almost always without competence where it is required. Negligible competition also results in the perverse fact of handing the public positions/jobs etc. to the ineligible.
Though a lot of antagonism, jealousy, backbiting and prejudices they encounter in the public places, institutions is squarely due to the uppercaste aversion to Untouchables, not all of it is only such. Nowhere is this strata's performance is as unsavory as in social movement realm.
This section believes in no solidarity, behaves like a gang of thugs in eliminating criticism and self-criticism and persistent in turning every discussion a fight, debate into one of ad hominem, with no sense any more between a friend and foe and all the shades in between, the cynicism and ungratefulness are the hallmarks of this welfare-dependent but actually welfare-monopolising Dalit section.
It is not exactly a 'class' but a combination of caste, networking, Ambedkar 'rituals', unifying symbols and even sensibilities and a strong sense of mutual help.
Additional and no less important features of this stratum is its lack of any property (but protected by income from the jobs or scholarships) and also any attachment with the hard labor, though still discriminated and subject to daily humiliations and exclusions, though mostly spared of the atrocities that happen to other Dalits elsewhere. However, this is also a section which is pampered by the upper caste establishment.
(This collaboration between the always UC-baiting and resentful Dalit Middle class advanced castes and happily entertaining UCs is a complex and curious story that requires a detailed post of its own. But one telling example can give the flavor of it. Almost always the left/liberal interview panels, with a mind-bending cynicism only leftist Brahminicals are capable of, select candidates for the English professor posts in central universities in Dalit quota such candidates who cannot speak or write in the language they are supposed to teach.)
This section has remarkably committed in two important ways that cannot be explained by their class position fully. Whenever there is an atrocity committed against their more vulnerable and less protected members, it springs to action with a professional revolutionary's seriousness and even selflessness. Another is its absolute and instinctual aversion to Hindu practices, beliefs and by extension, its current Hindu Nazist version.
Always alert to any slight, suspicious of any gesture of solidarity yet paranoic about ever perceived threat of the encroachments, this is the only section among Dalits that returns the typical Muslim antipathy towards Dalits with matching apathy directed back to them. This Dalit section is a hurdle to much delayed yet much-needed Dalit-Muslim cooperation. Rohith Vemula could fight against peresecution of Muslims partly because he is not from this section of Dalits in class or generation terms.
In Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, this solidarity-aversive, anti-educational and equally anti-Hindu Nazist Dalit middle class met its ultimate deadlock. Like UC leftists, the Dalit middle 'class' is against Modi's Hindu Nazists due to its principles (or ideology) rather than any material need for it. It is unlikely to surrender to Hindu Nazists in any big way anytime soon, but it is unlikely to adapt to the new reality that demands larger accommodating alliances.
---
*With Kuriakose Mathew and 2 others. Source: https://www.facebook.com/chittibabu.padavala/posts/10158184471105315

Comments

TRENDING

Grueling summer ahead: Cuttack’s alarming health trends and what they mean for Odisha

By Sudhansu R Das  The preparation to face the summer should begin early in Odisha. People in the state endure long, grueling summer months starting from mid-February and extending until the end of October. This prolonged heat adversely affects productivity, causes deaths and diseases, and impacts agriculture, tourism and the unorganized sector. The social, economic and cultural life of the state remains severely disrupted during the peak heat months.

Stronger India–Russia partnership highlights a missed energy breakthrough

By N.S. Venkataraman*  The recent visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India was widely publicized across several countries and has attracted significant global attention. The warmth with which Mr. Putin was received by Prime Minister Narendra Modi was particularly noted, prompting policy planners worldwide to examine the implications of this cordial relationship for the global economy and political climate. India–Russia relations have stood on a strong foundation for decades and have consistently withstood geopolitical shifts. This is in marked contrast to India’s ties with the United States, which have experienced fluctuations under different U.S. administrations.

From natural farming to fair prices: Young entrepreneurs show a new path

By Bharat Dogra   There have been frequent debates on agro-business companies not showing adequate concern for the livelihoods of small farmers. Farmers’ unions have often protested—generally with good reason—that while they do not receive fair returns despite high risks and hard work, corporate interests that merely process the crops produced by farmers earn disproportionately high profits. Hence, there is a growing demand for alternative models of agro-business development that demonstrate genuine commitment to protecting farmer livelihoods.

The Vande Mataram debate and the politics of manufactured controversy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  The recent Vande Mataram debate in Parliament was never meant to foster genuine dialogue. Each political party spoke past the other, addressing its own constituency, ensuring that clips went viral rather than contributing to meaningful deliberation. The objective was clear: to construct a Hindutva narrative ahead of the Bengal elections. Predictably, the Lok Sabha will likely expunge the opposition’s “controversial” remarks while retaining blatant inaccuracies voiced by ministers and ruling-party members. The BJP has mastered the art of inserting distortions into parliamentary records to provide them with a veneer of historical legitimacy.

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

The cost of being Indian: How inequality and market logic redefine rights

By Vikas Gupta   We, the people of India, are engaged in a daily tryst—read: struggle—for basic human rights. For the seemingly well-to-do, the wish list includes constant water supply, clean air, safe roads, punctual public transportation, and crime-free neighbourhoods. For those further down the ladder, the struggle is starker: food that fills the stomach, water that doesn’t sicken, medicines that don’t kill, houses that don’t flood, habitats at safe distances from polluted streams or garbage piles, and exploitation-free environments in the public institutions they are compelled to navigate.

Why India must urgently strengthen its policies for an ageing population

By Bharat Dogra   A quiet but far-reaching demographic transformation is reshaping much of the world. As life expectancy rises and birth rates fall, societies are witnessing a rapid increase in the proportion of older people. This shift has profound implications for public policy, and the need to strengthen frameworks for healthy and secure ageing has never been more urgent. India is among the countries where these pressures will intensify most sharply in the coming decades.

Thota Sitaramaiah: An internal pillar of an underground organisation

By Harsh Thakor*  Thota Sitaramaiah was regarded within his circles as an example of the many individuals whose work in various underground movements remained largely unknown to the wider public. While some leaders become visible through organisational roles or media attention, many others contribute quietly, without public recognition. Sitaramaiah was considered one such figure. He passed away on December 8, 2025, at the age of 65.

Proposals for Babri Masjid, Ram Temple spark fears of polarisation before West Bengal polls

By A Representative   A political debate has emerged in West Bengal following recent announcements about plans for new religious structures in Murshidabad district, including a proposed mosque to be named Babri Masjid and a separate announcement by a BJP leader regarding the construction of a Ram temple in another location within Behrampur.