Skip to main content

Economic compulsion forces Gujarat Dalits to begin picking up, dispose of dead cattle in Surendranagar district

Natubhai Parmar
By A Representative
The effort to take a pledge from the Dalits never to scavenge dead cattle – the main contention of the 350-km-long padyatra in protest against the cow vigilantes’ July 11 violent attack on four Dalit youths in Una town of Saurashtra region in Gujarat – is beginning to face a major roadblock.
Even as thousands of Dalits have been swearing not to go ahead with their traditional caste-based job of disposing of dead cattle during the Ahmedabad to Una padyatra, which began on August 5, indications have emerged that the community people involved in the job have stopped the boycott at several places.
“Economic compulsion is forcing Dalit community leaders to begin the job of lifting dead cattle at several places in Surendranagar district”, said Natubhai Parmar, belonging to the Rohit (chamar) sub-caste of the Dalits, which is particularly involved in scavenging the dead cattle.
“The only major hurdle in the way is, the cow vigilantes at various spots even today harass us while we transport dead cattle for disposing them of. They do it for extort money, with cops always standing by them”, he said.
Pointing out that nearly 15 per cent of the Rohit families are involved in the job, while the rest have all diversified, Parmar, who is also a social worker with Navsarjan Trust, said, “Those running ‘bhams’ – which enter into agreement with panjrapols (cattle farms of aging cattle) to dispose of carcasses – are under intense pressure to lift the carcasses..”
Bhams are formed by a group of three or four families, generally from the Rohit sub-caste. Panjrapols float bids, making different bhams to compete among themselves to lift dead cattle. The highest bidder is offered the contract. Generally, each 'bham' gets at least half-a-dozen dead cows daily.

Visiting cards of dead cattle pickers
“The ‘bham’ which gains contract must deposit the amount, which is around Rs 6-7 lakh per annum”, Parmar said, adding, “After July 18, many of the ‘bhams’ stopped lifting cattle carcasses in protest against the Una incident. The panjrapols are refusing to compensate for the loss ‘bhams’ may suffer for refusing to lift the dead cattle.”
Already turning into a cottage industry, many of the ‘bhams’ have printed colourful visiting cards in Gujarat asking farmers and panjrapols to contact them for lifting dead cattle. Proclaiming to be “merchants in leather and bones” these visiting cards have all the contact details of the persons in the job.
Many of these ‘bhams’ get contracts as far away as Agra to supply raw cow leather. They supply bones to soap factories in different parts of India. With mobiles in hand, the job has become easier.
“In several places in Surendranagar district, the work of lifting dead cattle has begun, setting aside the pledge the Rohits had taken”, Parmar said, adding, “It is difficult to say how long with those in the job would be able to suffer the economic loss.”
After lifting the dead cattle, the family members do the job of separating carrion from bones and leather. “All of it done manually”, said Parmar. “To do it scientifically, the ‘bhams’ need infrastructure, including plots of land where the processing should take place, water supply and electricity.”
"In Kheda district's Kanjri village, a panjrapol has set up a huge pressure cooker type thing, equal to a room, in which the dead cattle is 'processed'. While the cooker is owned by people of dominant castes, Rohits do rest of the work of putting cows in this processing unit", he added.
“All that the Rohits need subsidized loan for setting up such processing units that would minimize manual operations, as also for buying up pickup vehicles”, Parmar said, adding, “The state government must intervene to make all this possible.”

Comments

TRENDING

Civil society at a crossroads: Service delivery vs. rights in the fight for social change

Counterview News   In the latest episode of the podcast Unmute , hosts Gagan Sethi and Minar Pimple convened a profound conversation with two veteran development practitioners to dissect a persistent tension within civil society: the perceived divide between service delivery and the struggle for rights. The episode, titled "Beyond Service Delivery: Civil Society, Rights, and the Politics of Social Change," featured Apoorva Oza , a development practitioner with decades of experience in rural development and institution-building, and Professor Dipa Sinha , a development economist known for her work on food, nutrition, gender, and social policy.

Grain vs. gasoline: How the global biofuel boom threatens India’s food and water security

By Rajiv Shah  A new report published by the international research and advocacy organization GRAIN has warned that the global resurgence of biofuels is triggering a dangerous dynamic of “more fuel, less food, more land grabs.” Driven by intersecting energy security concerns, geopolitical tensions, and aggressive decarbonization mandates, the expanding agrofuel industry is increasingly pitting corporate energy interests against global food security and indigenous land rights. 

Sikkim governor row: ALIFA asks centre to explain hurried appointment in Ankita Bhandari case

By A Representative   The All-India Feminist Alliance (ALIFA) on Saturday expressed “immense pain and outrage” that even after four years and a national uproar, justice has not been fully delivered in the Ankita Bhandari murder case and that a ruling party politician facing allegations has been “gifted a high-ranking constitutional office.” In a statement, ALIFA extended “unflinching solidarity” to Ankita’s parents, who it said are “fighting for justice on the streets of Delhi,” and demanded that pending the CBI inquiry and judicial decision, the appointment of BJP leader Dushyant Kumar Gautam as Sikkim’s Governor be subject to “immediate presidential review.”