Skip to main content

Stereotypes: It’s all in the mind... Our cultural invasion and Adivasis' gender perceptions

By Gagan Sethi*

Before we would begin working in a village following our “mandatory reconnaissance and trust-building visits”, normally, we would summon village community representatives, about 30 of them, to Ahmedabad for a 10 day training camp. In most cases, only men would turn up for training. The training camp would be held at the St Xavier’s College campus, where the Behavioral Science Centre was located. It was recently renamed as Human Development Research Centre (see photo).
In the camp, we would normally get representations from cross section of the community in which we worked. We ensured that if there were elders, there were equal number of youths (“juvarniyas, we called them) as well. And if there were small and marginal farmers, there should also be landless workers. But we were never successful in getting many women to the training camps. If at all, they had to be brought separately, and not with men. Often, we would had to make arrangements for their training camps in our work areas – the so-called caste-based villages.
In 1985, when we started working in the adivasis villages of South Gujarat, surprisingly, men from the community insisted that women should also be brought in for training with them. We were overjoyed – we were about to achieve some gender balance!
We fixed dates for the training camp for adivasis of a village. Soon thereafter, we got into an overdrive. We made separate arrangements for men and women at the St Xavier’s College.
Normally, the participants would be put up in a large makeshift dormitory, and we hold the programme in the same premises.
We learnt that in a group of 30 adivasis, who were to participate in the training programme, 11 were women. We requested the college authorities to allot us three rooms in the boys’ hostel near the rector’s office with especially cordoned off bathrooms. We were sure that this would take care of their privacy and safety.
On the day they arrived, we straight went into our sessions, and by the evening we asked the women to move to their separate rooms prepared for them.
What happened on the next day was a shocker: We began the day asking women on how they felt being in the rooms we had especially set aside for them. We could sense a simmering sense indignation among them. They responded in silence, but their eyes said it all.
Sensing the mood, we thought, maybe, they weren’t treated well. Hence, we asked them: “Kai kasar rahi gayi hati?” (Was everything all right with arrangements?).
One of them blurted out: “Ame shu guno karyo ke amne chutta padi deedha” (What was our crime, why did you separate us from men?).
It dawned on us that, to them, staying together with men was a norm, yet we had assumed, from our cultural standpoint, to actually segregate them from men. We profusely apologized, and said, sure, they could stay together.
Later, during discussions, they became frank. A few of them told us that they didn’t sleep the whole night, wondering if they had made some mistake. Was it a punishment to be put up separately from men?
Adivasi men were equally vocal. They said, they too were suspicious that we might be telling them things they wouldn’t know. They were wondering whether this was the reason why a woman staff member was asked to stay with women. Failure to understand adivasi norms created so much of confusion.
Gender, after all, is a social construct, operating in a set of rules, based on values of that society. Unfortunately, the cultural invasion that we (the “ujadiyats”, as the adivasis would refer to us) perpetrate on others is based on our perceptions of propriety. We try to look at everything from coloured glasses.
We do that with dress, with language, with speech, with touch. Accepting pluralism needs constant examination and re-examination of our biases, and getting out of the RIGHT versus WRONG frame.

*Founder of Janvikas & Centre for Social Justice. First appeared in DNA

Comments

TRENDING

From algorithms to exploitation: New report exposes plight of India's gig workers

By Jag Jivan   The recent report, "State of Finance in India Report 2024-25," released by a coalition including the Centre for Financial Accountability, Focus on the Global South, and other organizations, paints a stark picture of India's burgeoning digital economy, particularly highlighting the exploitation faced by gig workers on platform-based services. 

'Condonation of war crimes against women and children’: IPSN on Trump’s Gaza Board

By A Representative   The India-Palestine Solidarity Network (IPSN) has strongly condemned the announcement of a proposed “Board of Peace” for Gaza and Palestine by former US President Donald J. Trump, calling it an initiative that “condones war crimes against children and women” and “rubs salt in Palestinian wounds.”

Gig workers hold online strike on republic day; nationwide protests planned on February 3

By A Representative   Gig and platform service workers across the country observed a nationwide online strike on Republic Day, responding to a call given by the Gig & Platform Service Workers Union (GIPSWU) to protest what it described as exploitation, insecurity and denial of basic worker rights in the platform economy. The union said women gig workers led the January 26 action by switching off their work apps as a mark of protest.

India’s road to sustainability: Why alternative fuels matter beyond electric vehicles

By Suyash Gupta*  India’s worsening air quality makes the shift towards clean mobility urgent. However, while electric vehicles (EVs) are central to India’s strategy, they alone cannot address the country’s diverse pollution and energy challenges.

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

Whither space for the marginalised in Kerala's privately-driven townships after landslides?

By Ipshita Basu, Sudheesh R.C.  In the early hours of July 30 2024, a landslide in the Wayanad district of Kerala state, India, killed 400 people. The Punjirimattom, Mundakkai, Vellarimala and Chooralmala villages in the Western Ghats mountain range turned into a dystopian rubble of uprooted trees and debris.

Over 40% of gig workers earn below ₹15,000 a month: Economic Survey

By A Representative   The Finance Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, while reviewing the Economic Survey in Parliament on Tuesday, highlighted the rapid growth of gig and platform workers in India. According to the Survey, the number of gig workers has increased from 7.7 million to around 12 million, marking a growth of about 55 percent. Their share in the overall workforce is projected to rise from 2 percent to 6.7 percent, with gig workers expected to contribute approximately ₹2.35 lakh crore to the GDP by 2030. The Survey also noted that over 40 percent of gig workers earn less than ₹15,000 per month.

Fragmented opposition and identity politics shaping Tamil Nadu’s 2026 election battle

By Syed Ali Mujtaba*  Tamil Nadu is set to go to the polls in April 2026, and the political battle lines are beginning to take shape. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the state on January 23, 2026, marked the formal launch of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s campaign against the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). Addressing multiple public meetings, the Prime Minister accused the DMK government of corruption, criminality, and dynastic politics, and called for Tamil Nadu to be “freed from DMK’s chains.” PM Modi alleged that the DMK had turned Tamil Nadu into a drug-ridden state and betrayed public trust by governing through what he described as “Corruption, Mafia and Crime,” derisively terming it “CMC rule.” He claimed that despite making numerous promises, the DMK had failed to deliver meaningful development. He also targeted what he described as the party’s dynastic character, arguing that the government functioned primarily for the benefit of a single family a...