Skip to main content

Slower movement in rural Gujarat workforce migration to industry, services

Latest National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) data on India’s employment trend has suggested that there is a relatively slow movement of Gujarat’s workforce from the agricultural sector to the non-agricultural sectors than the rest of India – the secondary sector (which includes manufacturing, mining and construction; and the tertiary sector, which include wholesale and retail trade, repair work, transportation, information and communication, real state, finance and insurance, education and health, and professional services. While any movement from agriculture to industry and services is regarded by economists as a “natural” corollary to development of a vibrant economy, the slow movement, if experts are to be believed, would suggest two simultaneous trends – Gujarat’s higher capital intensive industrialization, on one hand, and failure to develop such sectors like information and communication technology as part of development of services, on the other.
The NSSO figures show that in 2005-06, 55.9 per cent of the state’s able-bodied population was engaged in agriculture and related activities, including forestry and fishing. The 2011-12 NSSO survey suggests this percentage came down to 48.8 per cent – which means that the number of persons engaged in the sector went down by 7.1 per cent in six years. This is quite low compared to 18 of 20 major Indian states, including Andhra Pradesh (7.6 per cent), Assam (7.9 per cent), Bihar (8.2 per cent), Chhattisgarh 7.4 per cent), Haryana (7.6 per pent), Himachal Pradesh (8.8 per cent), J&K (9.2 per cent), Karnataka (12.3 per cent), Kerala (10.1 per cent), Maharashtra (8.3 per cent), Madhya Pradesh (12.7 per cent), Odisha (9.3 per cent), Punjab (8.5 per cent), Rajasthan (11.5 per cent), Tamil Nadu (9.1 per cent), Uttarakhand (15 per cent), and Uttar Pradesh (9.1 per cent). The all-India average of those engaged in agriculture was two per cent higher than Gujarat’s – 9.1 per cent.
The relatively low shift of the workforce from agriculture to the non-agricultural sector has happened alongside a slow rise in the percentage of people engaged in industry and service sectors compared to most states of India. Thus, as against the national average of 5.5 per cent rise in people engaged in the industrial sector in the country as a whole, Gujarat experienced a rise of 4.8 per cent. Punjab, which is considered the wheat bowl of the country, experienced the highest growth in the percentage of people engaged in the industrial sector, 9.4 per cent, during the period in question, 2005-06 to 2011-12. The situation was not found to be very different in the shift taking place towards the tertiary sector. It was a mere 2.3 per cent in Gujarat, compared to the all-India average of 3.7 per cent. Here, Karnataka experienced the highest growth of 9.9 per cent.
If senior economist Prof Indira Hirway, who has studied the trend over the last several decades, is to be believed, the failure to experience a higher shift towards industry (secondary) and service (tertiary) sectors suggests that Gujarat has failed to provide viable employment to its population outside agriculture as fast as the country as a whole. Thus, according to her calculation, Gujarat may be ranking No 1 in the increasing capital intensity of the industrial sector, ranking No 1 among the 20 major Indian states in terms of fixed capital investment, second in terms of total invested capital and fourth in terms of total number of factories. Yet, it ranked No 18 in labour-capital ratio. The scholar finds that, especially, the organized sector of the industry has failed to get a higher employment.
Quoting Annual Survey of industry figures, she says, “The employment generated per crore of capital investment as well as the employment generated per crore of output in the industrial sector has consistently fallen. In the factory sector, where fixed capital investment grew by 7.7% annually during 1998-2008 and the total invested capital by 9.1%, the number of workers increased only by 2.8%”. This goes to suggest that people shifting from agriculture do not find employment in industry, particularly in the organized industrial sector, and they instead seek employment in the unorganized sector, particularly small and marginal industrial sector, apart from construction and mining. In the latter sectors, wages are low. To quote Prof Hirway, “Gujarat is ranked 15 in the share of wages in the net value added. Kerala is at the top with 22.47% share of wages, followed by West Bengal (21.89%), Tamil Nadu (16.37%) and Punjab (15.27%)…”
In fact, a perusal into the Gujarat government document, “Development Programme” over the last several years suggests that there is stagnation in the number of persons employed in the organized manufacturing sector. The “Development Programme” suggests that between June 2011 and June 2012, there was, in fact, a fall in the total number of employed persons in the organized manufacturing sector by minus ( — ) 0.68 per cent. As of June 2012, there were in all 6,43,630 persons employed in the organized manufacturing sector, down from 6,48,196 a year earlier. The deceleration took place after 3.15 per cent rise in jobs in the sector in the correspondent period of 2010-11. In 2009-10, there was a rise of jobs by 8.85 per cent, of 2.02 per cent in 2008-09, and of 16.86 per cent in 2007-2008.
Fall in workforce in agriculture between 2005-06 and 2011-12 (per 1000)
A major reason for failure to attract a higher percentage of workers towards industry and service sectors than the rest of India is said to be low wages in Gujarat’s urban areas. Thus, the NSSO survey shows that as against the all-India average per day earning of salaried workers in urban areas of Rs 449.65 per day, the average payment in Gujarat was found to be just Rs 319.71. One can compare this with so-called Bimaru states – in Bihar, the average regular wage per day was Rs 412.24, in Chhattisgarh Rs 322.84, in Assam Rs 606.96, in Madhya Pradesh Rs 436.12, in Odisha 431.66, in Rajasthan Rs 416.54, and in Uttar Pradesh Rs 482.87. Regular wages and salaries in “comparable states” are — Maharashtra Rs 485.72, Andhra Pradesh Rs 395.35, Karnataka Rs 486.92, Haryana Rs 776.85, Punjab Rs 361.75, and Tamil Nadu Rs 389.81. As for casual workers, their average casual wage per day in Gujarat was Rs 144.52, which is worse than all states but four, Chhattisgarh (Rs 106.16), Madhya Pradesh (Rs 125.89), Uttar Pradesh (Rs 143.20) and West Bengal (Rs 128.24.)
The trend of the contribution of primary, secondary and tertiary sectors to Gujarat’s economy suggests that though there was a shift of contribution made by the primary sector to the secondary and tertiary sectors, it was not remarkable. In 2005-06, the primary sector contributed 19.9 per cent to total gross state domestic product (GSDP) of Gujarat, which went down to 14.7 per cent in 2011-12. The secondary and tertiary sectors did not witness a commensurate sharp rise. The secondary sector in 2005-06 contributed 36.5 per cent of the GSDP, in 2011-12 this went up to 39.3 per cent. As for the tertiary sector, its contribution to the GSDP which was 43.5 per cent in 2005-06, went up to 46 per cent. Interestingly, yearly figures suggest fluctuations – the contribution of the secondary sector, instead of going up, went down from 29.4 per cent in 2010-11 to 28.2. Scholars who have been studying the trend have witnessed a similar fluctuation earlier, too.
In a recent paper, “Performance of Gujarat Economy: An Analysis of Growth and Instability”, Anita Arya and Niti Mehta of the Sardar Patel Institute of Economic and Social Research, Ahmedabad, have said that in Gujarat growth in primary as well as secondary sector is highly fluctuating. “This can be seen from sectoral shares. While the long term trend in primary sector is of decline (42% in 1960-61 to 20% in 2007-08), it is marked by fluctuations. In terms of income agriculture is no more a dominant sector in Gujarat. After 1986-87, manufacturing replaced agriculture as the single largest activity contributing to SDP. The share of secondary sector up to mid 80s remained around 27%, thereafter there were large fluctuations. After 1999-2000, the share has been maintained between 35-36%. The tertiary sector on the other hand, shows a smooth, long term upward trend and depicts least fluctuations in its share in Net State Domestic Product (NSDP).”
Explaining why this has happened, the scholars say, “The fluctuations in trend of Gujarat’s income is the result of fluctuations in some major economic sectors and possibly also a reflection of the changing structure of the economy when new activities have been unable to offset impact of declining economic activities.” They adds, “The behaviour of the various components of the SDP during the period 1981 to 2008, shows that nearly all sectors recorded ups and downs in growth. Agriculture sector had shown largest fluctuation in value added with no discernable upward trend… Unstable agriculture still affects around 52% of population in Gujarat and 77% of the working population in rural areas.”
Against the backdrop of claims that surface irrigation has succeeded in improving agricultural productivity, the scholars underline, “Agriculture in Gujarat is affected by erratic and uneven rainfall that often leads to scarcity conditions, especially in Kutch and parts of Saurashtra. Land holdings in the state are becoming increasingly marginalized. Average size of operational land holding during 2005-06 was 2.2ha, with 86% of the total operational holdings being less than 4 hectares. Net sown area has been lost to fallow/wasteland and diverted to non-agriculture/urban uses. In the decade of 90s and early 2000s, cropping intensity too had taken a beating falling to 1.11%. By the end of 2010, the cropping intensity showed an appreciable increase to 1.16% on account of improvement in water availability.”

Comments

TRENDING

Dalit rights and political tensions: Why is Mevani at odds with Congress leadership?

While I have known Jignesh Mevani, one of the dozen-odd Congress MLAs from Gujarat, ever since my Gandhinagar days—when he was a young activist aligned with well-known human rights lawyer Mukul Sinha’s organisation, Jan Sangharsh Manch—he became famous following the July 2016 Una Dalit atrocity, in which seven members of a family were brutally assaulted by self-proclaimed cow vigilantes while skinning a dead cow, a traditional occupation among Dalits.  

Powering pollution, heating homes: Why are Delhi residents opposing incineration-based waste management

While going through the 50-odd-page report Burning Waste, Warming Cities? Waste-to-Energy (WTE) Incineration and Urban Heat in Delhi , authored by Chythenyen Devika Kulasekaran of the well-known advocacy group Centre for Financial Accountability, I came across a reference to Sukhdev Vihar — a place where I lived for almost a decade before moving to Moscow in 1986 as the foreign correspondent of the daily Patriot and weekly Link .

Boeing 787 under scrutiny again after Ahmedabad crash: Whistleblower warnings resurface

A heart-wrenching tragedy has taken place in Ahmedabad. As widely reported, a Boeing 787 Dreamliner plane crashed shortly after taking off from the city’s airport, currently operated by India’s top tycoon, Gautam Adani. The aircraft was carrying 230 passengers and 12 crew members.  As expected, the crash has led to an outpouring of grief across the country. At the same time, there have been demands for the resignation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and the Civil Aviation Minister.

Ahmedabad's civic chaos: Drainage woes, waterlogging, and the illusion of Olympic dreams

In response to my blog on overflowing gutter lines at several spots in Ahmedabad's Vejalpur, a heavily populated area, a close acquaintance informed me that it's not just the middle-class housing societies that are affected by the nuisance. Preeti Das, who lives in a posh locality in what is fashionably called the SoBo area, tells me, "Things are worse in our society, Applewood."

Global NGO slams India for media clampdown during conflict, downplays Pakistan

A global civil rights group, Civicus has taken strong exception to how critical commentaries during the “recent conflict” with Pakistan were censored in India, with journalists getting “targeted”. I have no quarrel with the Civicus view, as the facts mentioned in it are all true.

Whither SCOPE? Twelve years on, Gujarat’s official English remains frozen in time

While writing my previous blog on how and why Narendra Modi went out of his way to promote English when he was Gujarat chief minister — despite opposition from people in the Sangh Parivar — I came across an interesting write-up by Aakar Patel, a well-known name among journalists and civil society circles.

Remembering Vijay Rupani: A quiet BJP leader who listened beyond party lines

Late evening on June 12, a senior sociologist of Indian origin, who lives in Vienna, asked me a pointed question: Of the 241 persons who died as a result of the devastating plane crash in Ahmedabad the other day, did I know anyone? I had no hesitation in telling her: former Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani, whom I described to her as "one of the more sensible persons in the BJP leadership."

Why India’s renewable energy sector struggles under 2,735 compliance hurdles

Recently, during a conversation with an industry representative, I was told how easy it is to set up a startup in Singapore compared to India. This gentleman, who had recently visited Singapore, explained that one of the key reasons Indians living in the Southeast Asian nation prefer establishing startups there is because the government is “extremely supportive” when it comes to obtaining clearances. “They don’t want to shift operations to India due to the large number of bureaucratic hurdles,” he remarked.

A conman, a demolition man: How 'prominent' scribes are defending Pritish Nandy

How to defend Pritish Nandy? That’s the big question some of his so-called fans seem to ponder, especially amidst sharp criticism of his alleged insensitivity during his journalistic career. One such incident involved the theft and publication of the birth certificate of Masaba Gupta, daughter of actor Neena Gupta, in the Illustrated Weekly of India, which Nandy was editing at the time. He reportedly did this to uncover the identity of Masaba’s father.