Skip to main content

Kotia’s forgotten people: Andhra-Odisha border dispute that denies identity, development

By Dr. Palla Trinadha Rao
In the misty heights of the Eastern Ghats, at over 3,000 feet above sea level, lies a cluster of villages situated on the Andhra–Odisha border, between Salur Mandal of the erstwhile Vizianagaram district (Andhra Pradesh) and Pottangi block of Koraput district (Odisha), caught in a political tug-of-war.
This is Kotia, a group of 28 villages perched on the fault line between Andhra Pradesh and Odisha—an administrative rift that has widened over nearly a century. What began as an obscure border disagreement has today become a symbol of neglect, identity confusion, and state rivalry, impacting the lives of some of India’s most marginalized people—the Kandi tribal community.
Long before India became a republic, the seeds of this conflict were sown. As per the claim of the Odisha government, before April 1, 1936, the Kotia villages were part of the Jeypore Estate. With the creation of the Odisha Province that year, a gazette notification transferred parts of the Vizagapatnam district—including some villages from the Jeypore Estate—to the new state. However, 21 of these 28 Kotia villages were never properly surveyed. Neither Andhra Pradesh nor Odisha rectified the oversight. When Andhra Pradesh was carved out in 1955, the villages were again overlooked—until minerals like bauxite and graphite were discovered beneath the hills. That changed everything.
The Andhra Pradesh Government claims the disputed Kotia villages on the grounds that, as per British-era notifications (1920, 1923, and 1927), 115 villages—including those now under dispute—were transferred from Pottangi taluk of Koraput subdivision (now in Odisha) to Salur taluk of Parvathipuram subdivision (now in Andhra Pradesh). A 1927 notification explicitly constituted these as a separate Salur Agency, which was later amended in 1928. Furthermore, as per the Gilby Report (1943), a map prepared by Gilby, an official from the Survey and Land Records Department, delineated the boundary between the Madras and Orissa provinces. This demarcation, accepted and ratified by both provinces and the Governor General in Council, placed the disputed villages within the jurisdiction of Andhra Pradesh.
However, in 1968, the state of Odisha filed a suit in the Supreme Court (Original Suit No. 10 of 1968), demanding exclusive control over the villages and accusing Andhra Pradesh of intrusion. The apex court, however, declined to rule on the case, citing Article 131 of the Constitution, which excludes it from adjudicating inter-state boundary disputes. Instead, the Court imposed a status quo and left it to Parliament to decide—a decision that has left the matter in limbo for nearly six decades.
In Kotia, governance is not a right but a tug-of-war. The villagers vote in elections in both states—twice for Parliament and twice for Assembly. They hold ration cards and receive welfare benefits from both Andhra Pradesh and Odisha. On the surface, it may seem like a windfall, but the truth is starkly different. The dual identity has made the villagers invisible in both states, with neither fully investing in development. There are no proper roads, health centers are sparse, and education remains an afterthought.
The fragile peace shattered during the 2021 local body elections. Odisha attempted to block Gram Panchayat elections in the disputed villages, even appealing to the Supreme Court. But the court refused to halt the elections, and Andhra Pradesh went ahead with the polls. Tensions rose when Odisha police physically prevented AP officials and voters from accessing polling stations, citing COVID-19 restrictions. Even so, villagers in Nereduvalasa defied the pressure—223 of them cast their votes for AP’s Zilla Parishad Territorial Constituency (ZPTC) and Mandal Parishad Territorial Constituency (MPTC) elections.
As political visits escalated, both states began laying claims not just through the courts but through concrete action. Odisha’s Collector tried to install a makeshift Jagannath temple in Nereduvalasa. Andhra Pradesh officials countered by promising infrastructure, laying foundation stones for schools, community halls, and health centers. The visits of Andhra Pradesh’s ITDA officials and the then MLA Rajanna Dora reassured some, while incensing Odisha’s leaders.
On August 15, 2021, as the nation celebrated its 75th Independence Day, Kotia felt like two separate countries. Odisha deployed 200 armed police and volunteer forces to prevent AP's celebrations and developmental programs in Pattu-Chennuru. Rajanna Dora was advised to call off his program for safety. Meanwhile, Odisha officials hoisted flags, distributed sweets, and inaugurated facilities—an aggressive assertion of their claim.
In the months that followed, both states launched a development race. AP distributed forest right pattas under the Forest Rights Act 2006 to tribal farmers, conducted welfare outreach, and laid foundation stones for critical buildings. Odisha, meanwhile, continued building roads, distributing house pattas, and holding political meetings. But beneath the competitive development lay deeper fractures. Andhra officials were blocked, slogans of “Go back” echoed, and tribals were caught in the storm of state nationalism.
A poignant moment came when a group of tribals laid a road to Kodama village using funds from the Odisha government. Andhra’s Forest Department stopped them, citing lack of clearance. The same people who had been neglected for years were now being pulled in two directions, their needs weaponized by both governments.
In a rare moment of national introspection, Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan earlier urged both states to resolve the dispute amicably. He proposed setting up a Joint Working Committee and withdrawing police and political interference—an idea still awaiting political will.
Kotia’s story is not just about disputed land; it is about forgotten people. It is a microcosm of how bureaucratic oversights and political opportunism can steal decades from a community’s future. While Andhra and Odisha continue their contest, the tribals of Kotia remain suspended in uncertainty—governed by none, claimed by all. They ask for nothing more than clarity, dignity, and a place to finally call home. Until then, Kotia remains a land between lines on a map—and a mirror reflecting the cost of unresolved history.

Comments

TRENDING

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Jayanthi Natarajan "never stood by tribals' rights" in MNC Vedanta's move to mine Niyamigiri Hills in Odisha

By A Representative The Odisha Chapter of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity (CSD), which played a vital role in the struggle for the enactment of historic Forest Rights Act, 2006 has blamed former Union environment minister Jaynaynthi Natarjan for failing to play any vital role to defend the tribals' rights in the forest areas during her tenure under the former UPA government. Countering her recent statement that she rejected environmental clearance to Vendanta, the top UK-based NMC, despite tremendous pressure from her colleagues in Cabinet and huge criticism from industry, and the claim that her decision was “upheld by the Supreme Court”, the CSD said this is simply not true, and actually she "disrespected" FRA.

Stands 'exposed': Cavalier attitude towards rushed construction of Char Dham project

By Bharat Dogra*  The nation heaved a big sigh of relief when the 41 workers trapped in the under-construction Silkyara-Barkot tunnel (Uttarkashi district of Uttarakhand) were finally rescued on November 28 after a 17-day rescue effort. All those involved in the rescue effort deserve a big thanks of the entire country. The government deserves appreciation for providing all-round support.

Urgent need to study cause of large number of natural deaths in Gulf countries

By Venkatesh Nayak* According to data tabled in Parliament in April 2018, there are 87.76 lakh (8.77 million) Indians in six Gulf countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While replying to an Unstarred Question (#6091) raised in the Lok Sabha, the Union Minister of State for External Affairs said, during the first half of this financial year alone (between April-September 2018), blue-collared Indian workers in these countries had remitted USD 33.47 Billion back home. Not much is known about the human cost of such earnings which swell up the country’s forex reserves quietly. My recent RTI intervention and research of proceedings in Parliament has revealed that between 2012 and mid-2018 more than 24,570 Indian Workers died in these Gulf countries. This works out to an average of more than 10 deaths per day. For every US$ 1 Billion they remitted to India during the same period there were at least 117 deaths of Indian Workers in Gulf ...

Uttarakhand tunnel disaster: 'Question mark' on rescue plan, appraisal, construction

By Bhim Singh Rawat*  As many as 40 workers were trapped inside Barkot-Silkyara tunnel in Uttarkashi after a portion of the 4.5 km long, supposedly completed portion of the tunnel, collapsed early morning on Sunday, Nov 12, 2023. The incident has once again raised several questions over negligence in planning, appraisal and construction, absence of emergency rescue plan, violations of labour laws and environmental norms resulting in this avoidable accident.

Celebrating 125 yr old legacy of healthcare work of missionaries

Vilas Shende, director, Mure Memorial Hospital By Moin Qazi* Central India has been one of the most fertile belts for several unique experiments undertaken by missionaries in the field of education and healthcare. The result is a network of several well-known schools, colleges and hospitals that have woven themselves into the social landscape of the region. They have also become a byword for quality and affordable services delivered to all sections of the society. These institutions are characterised by committed and compassionate staff driven by the selfless pursuit of improving the well-being of society. This is the reason why the region has nursed and nurtured so many eminent people who occupy high positions in varied fields across the country as well as beyond. One of the fruits of this legacy is a more than century old iconic hospital that nestles in the heart of Nagpur city. Named as Mure Memorial Hospital after a British warrior who lost his life in a war while defending his cou...

Pairing not with law but with perpetrators: Pavlovian response to lynchings in India

By Vikash Narain Rai* Lynch-law owes its name to James Lynch, the legendary Warden of Galway, Ireland, who tried, condemned and executed his own son in 1493 for defrauding and killing strangers. But, today, what kind of a person will justify the lynching for any reason whatsoever? Will perhaps resemble the proverbial ‘wrong man to meet at wrong road at night!’

New RTI draft rules inspired by citizen-unfriendly, overtly bureaucratic approach

By Venkatesh Nayak* The Department of Personnel and Training , Government of India has invited comments on a new set of Draft Rules (available in English only) to implement The Right to Information Act, 2005 . The RTI Rules were last amended in 2012 after a long period of consultation with various stakeholders. The Government’s move to put the draft RTI Rules out for people’s comments and suggestions for change is a welcome continuation of the tradition of public consultation. Positive aspects of the Draft RTI Rules While 60-65% of the Draft RTI Rules repeat the content of the 2012 RTI Rules, some new aspects deserve appreciation as they clarify the manner of implementation of key provisions of the RTI Act. These are: Provisions for dealing with non-compliance of the orders and directives of the Central Information Commission (CIC) by public authorities- this was missing in the 2012 RTI Rules. Non-compliance is increasingly becoming a major problem- two of my non-compliance cases are...

Dowry over duty: How material greed shattered a seven-year bond

By Archana Kumar*  This account does not seek to expose names or tarnish identities. Its purpose is not to cast blame, but to articulate—with dignity—the silent suffering of a woman who lived her life anchored in love, trust, and duty, only to be ultimately abandoned.