Skip to main content

Class collaboration in action? ‘Friendly’ electoral match of BJD with BJP in Odisha

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak* 

Amidst the flurry of frantic speculations, clandestine discussions, and fleeting moments of camaraderie, the anticipation of an electoral alliance between the ruling BJD and the opposition BJP fizzled out. The BJP decided to go alone in the forthcoming elections. The aspirations of Mr. Naveen Patnaik to position himself as a junior partner to the BJP were dashed as the BJP chose to distance itself from any such arrangement, ultimately abandoning his overtures.
Despite the failed attempts to forge a formal political alliance due to issues regarding seat sharing, the brotherhood between the BJP and BJD appears to only strengthen. What seems to emerge is a facade of a friendly electoral contest between the ruling BJD and the opposition BJP.
However, in reality, these two parties have orchestrated a mockery of democracy within the state, eroding the trust of the people in the democratic electoral processes as the bonhomie between the two continues. The apparent friendly electoral match between the BJD and BJP in the forthcoming elections in Odisha may indeed be indicative of a deeper phenomenon: class collaboration in state politics.
While on the surface, the two parties may engage in electoral competition, their underlying alignment on key issues and policies suggests a shared interest in serving certain privileged classes or elites. This collaboration, whether explicit or implicit, can have significant implications for governance and policymaking, potentially side-lining the needs and concerns of marginalised masses in the state.
In the annals of political history, there exists no ruling party nor leader quite like Mr. Naveen Patnaik, who has demonstrated a unique penchant for surrender and squandering away the vast reservoir of mass support he once commanded in Odisha for over two decades. His relentless endeavours to forge political alliances with Hindutva forces have not only weakened the BJD but have also tarnished his political image within the state.
Indeed, tracing back to the inception of his political career, Naveen Patnaik has maintained close ties with the BJP, whether through direct collaboration or indirect support of various political projects and governance policies. As asserted by the Congress party, there exists a symbiotic relationship between the BJD and the BJP, suggesting an inseparable bond that transcends mere political alliances.
Naveen Patnaik appears to have retreated from the political fray and disengaged from the intricate processes of governance, as though he is under immense pressure from the BJP. His demeanour suggests a sense of resignation, as if he is encircled by the looming spectre of vindictive Hindutva politics, instilling a palpable fear within him. 
 Rarely does a political leader with such a formidable mass base and a strong political party apparatus exhibit the propensity for surrender seen in Patnaik.
The political capitulation of the BJD under the stewardship of Patnaik towards the BJP and its leadership exemplifies a form of class collaboration in Odisha politics. These dynamic blurs the lines between the BJD and BJP, particularly in their approach to politics, policies, and governance issues.
Their shared outlook extends to matters of economic development, where the welfare of the masses often takes a back seat to the relentless pursuit of political power through any means necessary, regardless of political and ethical considerations. Today, Odisha politics seems to have devolved into an ideology-free zone, where discernible differences between political parties and their leadership are scant or altogether absent.
The ideological underpinnings of mainstream political parties and their leadership often stem from a foundation rooted in higher caste and class affiliations. These dynamic fosters an environment conducive to the politics of class collaboration, allowing those from higher castes to govern the masses with relative ease, devoid of significant political resistance in the state.
Whether the BJD and BJP maintain a formal political alliance or not, the distinction becomes increasingly negligible, as both parties, when in power, tend to advance each other's interests within and outside the state.
The strong class collaboration between the BJD and BJP suggests a cooperative relationship wherein both parties, despite ideological or superficial differences, work together to serve the interests of privileged classes or elites, often at the expense of the broader populace in the state.
This collaboration can manifest in various forms, including policy alignment, mutual support in elections, or shared governance objectives that prioritise the interests of certain socioeconomic groups over others.
Patnaik dreams are fraudulent dreams like American dreams. While the American Dream is characterised by ideals of individual achievement, success, upward mobility, and societal progress, labelling Patnaik's dreams as fraudulent implies a lack of authenticity or substance.
Naveen Patnaik appears to have retreated from the political fray and disengaged from the intricate processes of governance
After two decades of experience, it suggests that the promises or aspirations put forward by Patnaik is perceived as deceitful or unattainable, failing to materialise into tangible benefits for the people of Odisha. Such a comparison underscores a sentiment of scepticism or disillusionment regarding Patnaik's leadership and the fulfilment of his vision for the state.
In this context, the people of Odisha deserve an alternative politics that transcends the class collaboration seen between the BJP and BJD. This alternative should be grounded in principles of social justice, economic and political empowerment, electoral transparency, secularism, cultural inclusivity, and participatory governance models.
By prioritizing policies and initiatives aimed at uplifting marginalised communities, addressing socioeconomic disparities, and empowering individuals from all backgrounds, Odisha can pave the way for a more inclusive and equitable society. 
It's through such concerted efforts that the state can truly realise its democratic potential and ensure that all its citizens have the opportunity to thrive and participate fully in the democratic process and access equal resources available in the state.
An alternative politics in Odisha can only harness all available natural resources in the state for the collective welfare of its people. By effectively managing and leveraging these resources, the state can generate sustainable economic growth, create employment opportunities, and improve the overall standard of living for its citizens.
This approach requires a commitment to responsible and equitable resource allocation, ensuring that the benefits derived from these resources are distributed fairly and contribute to the advancement of health, education, and wellbeing of all segments of society. Additionally, prioritising environmental sustainability and conservation efforts is essential to safeguarding the long-term viability of Odisha's natural assets for future generations.
The urgency for alternative politics in Odisha is palpable, especially in light of the disillusionment caused by fraudulent promises and stagnant governance under the Patnaik administration. The time is ripe for transformative change that prioritises the genuine welfare of the state's people.
Embracing an alternative political vision rooted in transparency, accountability, and the empowerment of all citizens is imperative to address the pressing issues facing Odisha. This moment calls for bold leadership and collective action to chart a new course that fulfils the aspirations of the populace and builds a more equitable, progressive, peaceful, prosperous, secular, and scientific future for the state.
---
*University of Glasgow, UK

Comments

TRENDING

Urgent need to study cause of large number of natural deaths in Gulf countries

By Venkatesh Nayak* According to data tabled in Parliament in April 2018, there are 87.76 lakh (8.77 million) Indians in six Gulf countries, namely Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). While replying to an Unstarred Question (#6091) raised in the Lok Sabha, the Union Minister of State for External Affairs said, during the first half of this financial year alone (between April-September 2018), blue-collared Indian workers in these countries had remitted USD 33.47 Billion back home. Not much is known about the human cost of such earnings which swell up the country’s forex reserves quietly. My recent RTI intervention and research of proceedings in Parliament has revealed that between 2012 and mid-2018 more than 24,570 Indian Workers died in these Gulf countries. This works out to an average of more than 10 deaths per day. For every US$ 1 Billion they remitted to India during the same period there were at least 117 deaths of Indian Workers in Gulf ...

A comrade in culture and controversy: Yao Wenyuan’s revolutionary legacy

By Harsh Thakor*  This year marks two important anniversaries in Chinese revolutionary history—the 20th death anniversary of Yao Wenyuan, and the 50th anniversary of his seminal essay "On the Social Basis of the Lin Biao Anti-Party Clique". These milestones invite reflection on the man whose pen ignited the first sparks of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and whose sharp ideological interventions left an indelible imprint on the political and cultural landscape of socialist China.

History, culture and literature of Fatehpur, UP, from where Maulana Hasrat Mohani hailed

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  Maulana Hasrat Mohani was a member of the Constituent Assembly and an extremely important leader of our freedom movement. Born in Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh, Hasrat Mohani's relationship with nearby district of Fatehpur is interesting and not explored much by biographers and historians. Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri has written a book on Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Fatehpur. The book is in Urdu.  He has just come out with another important book, 'Hindi kee Pratham Rachna: Chandayan' authored by Mulla Daud Dalmai.' During my recent visit to Fatehpur town, I had an opportunity to meet Dr Mohammad Ismail Azad Fatehpuri and recorded a conversation with him on issues of history, culture and literature of Fatehpur. Sharing this conversation here with you. Kindly click this link. --- *Human rights defender. Facebook https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat , X @freetohumanity, Skype @vbrawat

India's health workers have no legal right for their protection, regrets NGO network

Counterview Desk In a letter to Union labour and employment minister Santosh Gangwar, the civil rights group Occupational and Environmental Health Network of India (OEHNI), writing against the backdrop of strike by Bhabha hospital heath care workers, has insisted that they should be given “clear legal right for their protection”.

Uttarakhand tunnel disaster: 'Question mark' on rescue plan, appraisal, construction

By Bhim Singh Rawat*  As many as 40 workers were trapped inside Barkot-Silkyara tunnel in Uttarkashi after a portion of the 4.5 km long, supposedly completed portion of the tunnel, collapsed early morning on Sunday, Nov 12, 2023. The incident has once again raised several questions over negligence in planning, appraisal and construction, absence of emergency rescue plan, violations of labour laws and environmental norms resulting in this avoidable accident.

Women's rights leaders told to negotiate with Muslimness, as India's donor agencies shun the word Muslim

By A Representative Former vice-president Hamid Ansari has sharply criticized donor agencies engaged in nongovernmental development work, saying that they seek to "help out" marginalizes communities with their funds, but shy away from naming Muslims as the target group, something, he insisted, needs to change. Speaking at a book release function in Delhi, he said, since large sections of Muslims are poor, they need political as also social outreach.

Job opportunities decreasing, wages remain low: Delhi construction workers' plight

By Bharat Dogra*   It was about 32 years back that a hut colony in posh Prashant Vihar area of Delhi was demolished. It was after a great struggle that the people evicted from here could get alternative plots that were not too far away from their earlier colony. Nirmana, an organization of construction workers, played an important role in helping the evicted people to get this alternative land. At that time it was a big relief to get this alternative land, even though the plots given to them were very small ones of 10X8 feet size. The people worked hard to construct new houses, often constructing two floors so that the family could be accommodated in the small plots. However a recent visit revealed that people are rather disheartened now by a number of adverse factors. They have not been given the proper allotment papers yet. There is still no sewer system here. They have to use public toilets constructed some distance away which can sometimes be quite messy. There is still no...

Bihar’s land at ₹1 per acre for Adani sparks outrage, NAPM calls it crony capitalism

By A Representative   The National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) has strongly condemned the Bihar government’s decision to lease 1,050 acres of land in Pirpainti, Bhagalpur district, to Adani Power for a 2,400 MW coal-based thermal power project. 

Sardar Patel was on Nathuram Godse's hit list: Noted Marathi writer Sadanand More

Sadanand More (right) By  A  Representative In a surprise revelation, well-known Gujarati journalist Hari Desai has claimed that Nathuram Godse did not just kill Mahatma Gandhi, but also intended to kill Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Citing a voluminous book authored by Sadanand More, “Lokmanya to Mahatma”, Volume II, translated from Marathi into English last year, Desai says, nowadays, there is a lot of talk about conspiracy to kill Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, but little is known about how the Sardar was also targeted.