Skip to main content

'No contradiction' between Hindutva politics, India's neoliberal economic policies

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*
Neoliberalism as an ideology emerged in Central Europe during early 20th century in opposition to socialism as an alternative to imperial, colonial and capitalist plunder, war and economic crisis. The Department of Economics at the University of Chicago shaped neoliberalism as a strategy to shift the power from workers to the owners of capital by weakening the state and expanding the ideals of free market.
These strategies were converted into economic policies and projects to undermine the power of labour by marginalising it both in economic and social terms. Neoliberalism today has become a political and economic project of capitalist classes to pursue their economic interests with the help of ruling classes. Such a project encompasses all spheres of social, economic political, cultural and religious lives of people.
The post-colonial economic and development planning helped neoliberalism to integrate itself slowly within Indian context. From 1980s onwards, neoliberal economic policies were pursued as a strategy of economic growth which helped global, national and local capitalist classes. Such a strategy helped to consolidate capitalist classes and marginalised the masses in India.
In the beginning, Hindutva politics used to support nationalistic economic policies and opposed to neoliberal economic policies as part of its populist and so-called nationalist narrative. But from 1990s onward, neoliberalism consolidated its base in India. The national and regional mainstream political parties in India continue to articulate economic interests of the capitalist classes by pursuing neoliberalism as a project of economic growth and development.
The neoliberal economic policies pursued by the Indian National Congress have helped to create the conditions for the growth and consolidation of Hindutva in Indian politics. Hindutva protagonists helped the capitalist classes to consolidate their base in India. The undisputed neoliberal economic paradigm is redrawing the nature of relationship between politics, society, state and individuals as citizens in India.
In such a context, the state has abandoned its own citizens and becoming a security state to protect the interests of the capitalist classes. The citizens are suffering under hunger, homelessness, unemployment, illiteracy, illness, and hopelessness.
The social and economic alienation produces political distrust and historic opportunities for the growth and consolidation of Hindutva politics in India. The abject condition of alienation produced by neoliberalism becomes life and blood of right-wing religious politics of Hindutva forces in India.
Hindutva politics plays two roles in India. The first role is played by the government led by Narendra Modi to pursue economic policies to uphold the interests of global, national and regional capitalist classes. This way, Hindutva politics is constitutive part of neoliberal project.
But at the same time, it would seem to articulate the anger against neoliberalism and its political establishment. It is possible to argue therefore that Hindutva politics has a contradictory relationship with neoliberalism. But in reality, the first role is an integral and organic relationship between Hindutva politics and neoliberalism.
The second role is part of the half-hearted populist narrative to capture the state power by electoral means to pursue the first role. Therefore, Hindutva forces consolidate neoliberalism and neoliberalism consolidates Hindutva forces position in society, politics and economy. Clearly, there is no contradiction between Hindutva politics and neoliberal economic policies in India.
The forward march of neoliberal Hindutva politics seeks to impose Hindutva politics in India. The aim is to convert India’ secular state into a Hindu state. In the process of establishing this dream project of the RSS, the Modi government is destroying institutions established by liberal, democratic and constitutional traditions in India. It is not anarchy of Hindutva politics but a systematic shock doctrine to achieve their goal to establish a theocratic Hindu state.
Neoliberal economic policies pursued by have helped to create the conditions for the growth and consolidation of Hindutva
Neoliberalism and theocratic politics move together as twins. It serves each other’s purpose. The theocratic political culture of Hindutva is established by the RSS which produces prejudice and hate. Such a culture diverts people’s attention from real issues of their lives and livelihoods. The diversionary tactics of Modi government helps both the capitalist classes and fascist RSS to implement their agenda.
There are fundamental similarities between the rise of fascism in Europe and Hindutva politics in India. The growing street violence, lynching and killing of Muslims, Dalits, communists, prejudice against religious minorities, capturing state power by electoral means and infiltration of RSS into judiciary, universities, army, media, police and bureaucracy are some of the similarities between European fascism in early 20th century and Hindutva politics in India today.
There is much resonant here. European fascism took a decade to evolve during 1930s but Hindutva is institutionalised and internalised nearly for a century in India since 1920s. Hindutva is not only populist but also popular beyond the cow belt of Hindi heartland. It has expanded its support base from landed elites and business communities to rural areas of India.
The neoliberal economic policies marked the difference between European fascism and Hindutva in India. The all-out onslaught on labour laws and labour movements are common features between neoliberalism and the Modi-led Hindutva government in India.
Neoliberalism and Hindutva politics is grounded on the twin idea of spreading fear and insecurities, which helps in the re-emergence of different reactionary religious and regional fault lines in the society. This helps Hindutva to consolidate their power by using security infrastructure in the name of unity and integrity of India and Indian nationalism.
Hindutva protagonists are also committed to neoliberalism ideology as an economic policy strategy. Neoliberal and Hindutva forces are suspicious of democracy. Both consider the ideals of debate, disagreements and dissents as existential threats.
Therefore, there is diminishing support for democratic culture, individual dignity, human rights and individual liberty. Such developments are integral part of neoliberal political and economic culture concomitant with the interests of the Hindutva forces in India.
The disaster that is unfolding in India today is a product of arrange cum love marriage between Hindutva politics and neoliberal economic policies. Such an alliance produces deaths and destitutions. 
 Any search for alternatives in India depends on united struggle against Hindutva and neoliberalism. It is a common battle that can pave the path towards sustainable alternatives. The only option is to struggle continuously for alternatives by fighting against neoliberalism and Hindutva.
---
*University of Coventry, UK

Comments

Unknown said…
A complete joke. The RSS labor union (the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh) opposes "neoliberal" policies. Free market capitalism and flexible labor markets are necessary in order for India to become an industrialized, developed nation.
As for Hindutva, it is about protecting the 5,000 year old Indian culture, race, civilization, and religion.
India's civilizational greatness will be restored under BJP-RSS rule for the next one hundred years.

TRENDING

When democracy becomes a performance: The Tibetan exile experience

By Tseten Lhundup*  I was born in Bylakuppe, one of the largest Tibetan settlements in southern India. From childhood, I grew up in simple barracks, along muddy roads, and in fields with limited resources. Over the years, I have watched our democratic system slowly erode. Observing the recent budget session of the 17th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, these “democratic procedures” appear grand and orderly on the surface, yet in reality they amount to little more than empty formalities. The parliamentarians seem largely disconnected from the everyday struggles faced by ordinary exiled Tibetans like us.

Study links sanctions to 500,000 deaths annually leading to rise in global backlash

By Bharat Dogra  International opinion is increasingly turning against the expanding burden of sanctions imposed on a growing number of countries. These measures are contributing to humanitarian crises, intensifying domestic discord, and heightening international tensions, thereby increasing the risks of conflicts and wars. 

Dhurandhar: The Revenge — Blurring the line between fiction and political narrative

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan*  "Dhurandhar: The Revenge" does not wait to be remembered; it arrives almost on the heels of its predecessor, released on March 19, 2026, just months after the first film’s December 2025 debut. The speed of its arrival feels less like creative urgency and more like calculated timing—cinema responding not to storytelling rhythm but to the emotional climate of its audience. Director Aditya Dhar, along with actor Yami Gautam, appears acutely aware of this moment and how to harness it.

Beyond the island: Top mythologist reorients the geography of the Ramayana

By Jag Jivan   In a compelling new analysis that challenges conventional geographical assumptions about the ancient epic, writer and mythologist Devdutt Pattanaik has traced the roots of the Ramayana to the forests and river systems of Central and Eastern India, rather than the peninsular south or the modern island nation of Sri Lanka.

BJP accounts for 99% of political donations in Gujarat: Corporate giants dominate

By Jag Jivan   An analysis of the official data on donations received by national parties from Gujarat during the Financial Year 2024-25 reveals a staggering concentration of funding, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accounting for nearly the entirety of the contributions. The data, compiled in a document titled "National Parties donations received from Gujarat during FY-2024-25," lists thousands of transactions, painting a detailed picture of the financial backing for political parties from one of India’s most industrially significant states.

Alarming decline in India's repair culture threatens circular economy goals: Study

By Jag Jivan  A comprehensive new study by environmental research and advocacy organisation Toxics Link has painted a worrying picture of India's fading repair culture, warning that the trend towards replacement over repair is accelerating the country's already critical e-waste crisis.

Captains extraordinaire: Ranking cricket’s most influential skippers

By Harsh Thakor*  Ranking the greatest cricket captains is a subjective exercise, often sparking passionate debate among fans. The following list is not merely a tally of wins and losses; it is an assessment of leadership’s deeper impact. My criteria fuse a captain’s playing record with their tactical skill, placing the highest consideration on their ability to reshape a team’s fortunes and inspire those around them. A captain who inherited a dominant empire is judged differently from one who resurrected a nation’s cricket from the doldrums. With that in mind, here is my perspective on the finest leaders the game has ever seen.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

‘No merit’ in Chakraborty’s claims: Personal ethics talk sans details raises questions

By Jag Jivan  A recent opinion piece published in The Quint by Subhash Chandra Garg has raised questions over the circumstances surrounding the resignation of Atanu Chakraborty from HDFC Bank , with Garg stating that the exit “raises doubts about his own ‘ethics’.” Garg, currently Chief Policy Advisor at Subhanjali and former Secretary of the Department of Economic Affairs, Government of India, writes that the Reserve Bank of India ( RBI ) appears to find no substance in Chakraborty’s claims, noting, “It is clear the RBI sees no merit in Atanu Chakraborty’s wild and vague assertions.”