Skip to main content

Gujarat Dalit agitation leaders "regret" lack of support from non-Dalit communities

Jignesh Mevani
By Rajiv Shah
While agitations may have rocked Gujarat's urban and semi-urban areas against cow vigilantes in Una violently thrashing four Dalits belonging to the Rohit (chamar) sub-caste after tying them with SUV on July 11, questions are beginning to be raised about their sustainability.
Claiming a “strong wave of anger” among Dalits, a day ahead of the Dalit “mahasammelan” of July 31 in Ahmedabad, even the top organizers lament “lack of support” from other communities, as also “lack of awareness” among non-Dalits about untouchability and caste discrimination, and refusal to join in, in any manner.
“We are a largely spontaneous movement spread out of anger against the injustice meted out to the Dalits in the recent past. We are angry ever since the Thangadh incident, in which three Dalit youths were killed in police firing. In two cases, even the chargesheet has not been filed. Worse, the official report prepared on the incident by IAS official Sanjay Prasad has not been made public”, says Jignesh Mevani, the chief organizer of the “mahasammelan”, planned for Saturday.
Suggesting that this suggests the “pent-up” anger is “not new”, Mevani, a young human rights lawyer groomed by late Mukul Sinha, a top-notch Gujarat High Court advocate who fought 2002 Gujarat riots cases, however, admits, “Not to talk of other non-Dalit communities, even Gujarat's secularists, active with huge placards during attacks on minorities, have failed to show up and organize protests. This suggests some sort of caste bias.”
Indeed, spread of the video on social media showing the cow vigilantes thrashing the four Dalits all the way to the Una police station was a major reason why the spontaneous agitation picked up. The agitators are not even recalling, and many of them are not aware, that two days earlier, July 9, a Dalit farm worker, Rama Singrakhiya, was hacked to death in village Sodhana, about 35 km away from Porbandar, and not very far from Una.
The spontaneous Dalit anger received a major “fillip” following the spread of another video showing Shambhunath Tundiya, a “dharmaguru” among Dalits with a religious seat (gadi) in Zanzarka, angrily speaking out against cow vigilantes. A BJP Rajya Sabha MP, he was seen as angrily telling the Anandiben Patel government that injustice “would not be tolerated”.
Indeed, the July 11 incident has helped radicalize the Dalits. The Dalit youths belonging to the Rohit community never liked scavenging and skinning of a dead cow, with many of them in villages and towns moving away from their age-old the hierarchical caste occupation.
“Dalits have stopped picking up cows in scores of towns and villages. In Surendranagar district, local officials are being forced to employ costly earth movers to remove the cattle corpses, many of them lying for over a week”, says Martin Macwan, founder, Navsarjan Trust, a well-known Dalit rights organization.
“One of them was lying in front a top hotel on the national highway off Surendranagar town for about a week, with people complaining of the terrible stench, but the authorities showing helplessness”, Macwan says, adding, “One can well imagine what would happen to a large number of government cow sheds (panjrapols), which take care of aging, abandoned cows. At least 250 cows die every day in panjrapols. They have already stopped accepting more cows.”
Yet, the fact is, despite the planned mahasammelan, so far there is little indication that the spontaneous agitation would turn into a formal movement. As a well-known development expert, refusing to be named, put it, “It is difficult to say this openly, but the hard truth is, movements are a very, very costly affair. Where are the resources to sustain the Dalit agitation?”
Natubhai Parmar, a former government official who is an active organizer of the July 31 mahasammelan, claims that they are “collecting funds” from the more resourceful sections of Dalits, many of them “beneficiaries” of the government reservation system. “Dalit government officials in Sachivalaya may not be participating in the agitations, but they supporting us”, says Parmar. There are also reports that the Congress have lately begun funding the agitation.
Yet, if one goes by what the grassroots Dalit activists say, majority of them “cannot sustain” the agitation for long because it is a question of their livelihood. The question being asked is: For a movement to last long, who will take care of the cadres' livelihood problem? The Dalit neo-middle class is not as resourceful as the Patidars, the most occupationally diversified community of Gujarat. For a year, the Patel quota stir, despite hurdles being created by the state government, has been continuing unabated, despite seeing major ups and downs.

Comments

TRENDING

When democracy becomes a performance: The Tibetan exile experience

By Tseten Lhundup*  I was born in Bylakuppe, one of the largest Tibetan settlements in southern India. From childhood, I grew up in simple barracks, along muddy roads, and in fields with limited resources. Over the years, I have watched our democratic system slowly erode. Observing the recent budget session of the 17th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, these “democratic procedures” appear grand and orderly on the surface, yet in reality they amount to little more than empty formalities. The parliamentarians seem largely disconnected from the everyday struggles faced by ordinary exiled Tibetans like us.

Study links sanctions to 500,000 deaths annually leading to rise in global backlash

By Bharat Dogra  International opinion is increasingly turning against the expanding burden of sanctions imposed on a growing number of countries. These measures are contributing to humanitarian crises, intensifying domestic discord, and heightening international tensions, thereby increasing the risks of conflicts and wars. 

Dhurandhar: The Revenge — Blurring the line between fiction and political narrative

By Mohd. Ziyaullah Khan*  "Dhurandhar: The Revenge" does not wait to be remembered; it arrives almost on the heels of its predecessor, released on March 19, 2026, just months after the first film’s December 2025 debut. The speed of its arrival feels less like creative urgency and more like calculated timing—cinema responding not to storytelling rhythm but to the emotional climate of its audience. Director Aditya Dhar, along with actor Yami Gautam, appears acutely aware of this moment and how to harness it.

BJP accounts for 99% of political donations in Gujarat: Corporate giants dominate

By Jag Jivan   An analysis of the official data on donations received by national parties from Gujarat during the Financial Year 2024-25 reveals a staggering concentration of funding, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accounting for nearly the entirety of the contributions. The data, compiled in a document titled "National Parties donations received from Gujarat during FY-2024-25," lists thousands of transactions, painting a detailed picture of the financial backing for political parties from one of India’s most industrially significant states.

Beyond the island: Top mythologist reorients the geography of the Ramayana

By Jag Jivan   In a compelling new analysis that challenges conventional geographical assumptions about the ancient epic, writer and mythologist Devdutt Pattanaik has traced the roots of the Ramayana to the forests and river systems of Central and Eastern India, rather than the peninsular south or the modern island nation of Sri Lanka.

Alarming decline in India's repair culture threatens circular economy goals: Study

By Jag Jivan  A comprehensive new study by environmental research and advocacy organisation Toxics Link has painted a worrying picture of India's fading repair culture, warning that the trend towards replacement over repair is accelerating the country's already critical e-waste crisis.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

Captains extraordinaire: Ranking cricket’s most influential skippers

By Harsh Thakor*  Ranking the greatest cricket captains is a subjective exercise, often sparking passionate debate among fans. The following list is not merely a tally of wins and losses; it is an assessment of leadership’s deeper impact. My criteria fuse a captain’s playing record with their tactical skill, placing the highest consideration on their ability to reshape a team’s fortunes and inspire those around them. A captain who inherited a dominant empire is judged differently from one who resurrected a nation’s cricket from the doldrums. With that in mind, here is my perspective on the finest leaders the game has ever seen.

‘No merit’ in Chakraborty’s claims: Personal ethics talk sans details raises questions

By Jag Jivan  A recent opinion piece published in The Quint by Subhash Chandra Garg has raised questions over the circumstances surrounding the resignation of Atanu Chakraborty from HDFC Bank , with Garg stating that the exit “raises doubts about his own ‘ethics’.” Garg, currently Chief Policy Advisor at Subhanjali and former Secretary of the Department of Economic Affairs, Government of India, writes that the Reserve Bank of India ( RBI ) appears to find no substance in Chakraborty’s claims, noting, “It is clear the RBI sees no merit in Atanu Chakraborty’s wild and vague assertions.”